GIFT  OF 


WITH  THE  COMPLIMENTS 

of 

RICHMOND  L.  JONES 
READING,  PA. 

Kindly  acknowledge  receipt 


The  LIFE  and  PUBLIC  SERVICES  of 
J.  CLANCY  JONES 


The  LIFE 

AND   PUBLIC   SERVICES 
tf 

J.  CLANCY  JONES 


BY 

CHARLES  HENRY  JONES 


IN  TWO  VOLUMES 

VOL.  I 


PHILADELPHIA  &  LONDON 

J.  B.  LIPPINCOTT  COMPANY 

1910 


COPYRIGHT,  1910,  BY  J.  B.  LIPPINCOTT  COMPANY 


Published  June,  1910 


Printed  by  J.  B.  Lippincott  Company 
The  Washington  Square  Press,  Philadelphia,  V.  S.  A. 


To 
MY  BROTHER 

RICHMOND  L.  JONES,  ESQUIRE 

THIS    BIOGRAPHY 

IN    WHICH    MANY    CHERISHED   MEMORIES 
OF     THE     PAST     ARE     RECALLED     IS 

AFFECTIONATELY  INSCRIBED 
BY  THE  AUTHOR 


282503 


PREFACE 

NO  country  can  ever  fully  recover  from  so 
great  a  convulsion  as  that  which  befel 
this  country  in  the  Civil  War.  The 
dynamic  consequences  of  such  a  struggle  must 
ever  afterwards  remain.  This  country  must  for 
ever  be  affected  for  good  or  evil,  by  the  ordeal  it 
then  passed  through.  Socially  or  politically  it 
can  never  be  the  same  place  again.  The  effects 
of  this  struggle  will  manifest  themselves  in  one 
form  or  another  for  all  time  to  come.  The  whole 
embodiment  of  the  nation  was  changed,  certain 
harmful  forces  were  released,  a  great  deal  that 
was  valuable  was  lost,  a  great  many  new  condi 
tions  and  experiences  manifested  themselves,  and 
a  great  deal  that  was  well  worth  remembering  was 
consigned  to  oblivion. 

A  great  convulsion  like  this  creates  a  fixed  line 
of  demarcation  between  that  which  went  before 
and  that  which  followed  afterwards.  We  speak 
of  the  period  which  lies  behind  that  line  distinc 
tively  as  the  period  "before  the  war,"  as  of 
something  entirely  different  from  that  which  lies 
on  this  side  of  the  line.  Shall  we  distinguish 
these  periods  in  the  history  of  the  country  as 
the  Democratic  and  the  Republican  periods  ?  The 
Democratic  party  ruled  the  country  before  the 

vii 


viii  PREFACE 

war;  the  Republican  party  has  ruled  it  since. 
This  country  has  been  an  entirely  different  place 
since  the  war — entirely  different  from  the  place 
it  was  under  the  old  republic  as  the  fathers  made 
it.  Even  the  forms  of  the  cities  and  the  rural 
life  have  changed.  It  came  out  of  that  storm 
with  its  structure  badly  strained.  That  it  is 
a  far  greater  country  no  one  can  gainsay;  but 
who  can  safely  call  it  a  better  one?  That  its  de 
velopment  has  not  been  upon  lines  that  are  alto 
gether  as  sound  as  were  those  of  the  old  republic 
is  made  perfectly  clear  by  the  serious  political, 
social  and  economic  problems  that  have  resulted, 
and  which  are  now  agitating  the  country. 

Under  the  prestige  of  its  success  in  the  Civil 
War  the  Republican  party  was  intrusted  with  an 
indefinite  lease  of  power.  It  has  since  been  respon 
sible  for  the  policy  of  the  Government,  and  for 
the  control  and  management  of  the  altered  con 
ditions  that  have  taken  place.  Whilst  there  were 
deserters  in  its  ranks  from  the  Democratic  party 
—men  who  adjusted  themselves,  as  it  were,  to 
the  new  condition  of  things — the  substance  of  the 
Republican  party  was  made  up  of  those  to  whom 
the  principles  and  heresies  of  the  old  Federal 
party  had  come  down  as  a  heritage,  a  party 
which  at  the  very  dawn  of  the  republic  had 
proved  itself  to  be  out  of  touch  with  the  spirit 
and  genius  of  our  institutions  and  unfit  for  the 
administration  of  its  affairs. 

Some  of  the  things  that  have  grown  up  since 


PREFACE 


IX 


the  war  and  have  been  fostered  under  the  policy 
of  the  Republican  party  are  the  immense  growth 
and  power,  as  well  as  the  abuse,  of  corporate 
interests;  the  centralization  of  power;  the  loss 
of  individual  responsibility  and  enterprise;  the 
colossal  accumulation  of  wealth  in  the  hands  of 
the  few ;  the  protective  tariff ;  the  labor  problems ; 
the  trusts,  with  their  tendency  toward  monopoly 
and  against  competition;  the  wider  dissemination 
of  education;  the  increase  of  luxury,  extrava 
gance,  and  the  cost  of  living;  the  wastefulness; 
the  monopoly  by  capitalists  of  the  natural  re 
sources  of  the  country;  the  negro  problem;  the 
influence  of  wealth  and  organization  in  elections 
and  in  the  selection  of  representatives  of  the  people 
at  home  and  abroad;  the  enormous  increase  in 
the  expenditures  of  the  Government. 

How  far  can  these  things  and  many  others  be 
traced  to  the  conditions  that  arose  out  of  the 
convulsions  of  the  Civil  War?  How  far  can  the 
Republican  party  be  held  responsible  for  them? 
Certainly  none  of  them  can  be  traced  to  the 
teachings  of  Thomas  Jefferson  and  Andrew 
Jackson.  There  is  certainly  nothing  demo 
cratic  about  them.  Nothing  of  them  was  known 
in  the  comparatively  simple  times  that  preceded 
the  war.  The  statesmen  of  that  period  had  none 
of  these  problems  to  contend  with.  To  that  period 
this  biography  of  a  Democratic  statesman  belongs. 

His  public  life  was  passed  during  the  admin 
istrations  of  four  Presidents,  Fillmore,  Pierce, 


x  PREFACE 

Buchanan,  and  Lincoln,  in  a  very  critical 
epoch  of  the  country's  history.  In  the  years 
covered  by  it  the  unstable  elements  of  political 
opposition  to  democratic  principles  shifted 
about  from  the  Whig,  through  the  Know-Noth 
ing  and  Free-Soil,  into  the  Republican  parties, 
the  latter  being  a  sectional  party  whose  main 
purpose  was  antagonism  to  another  section  of 
the  union  consisting  of  the  fifteen  Southern 
States.  During  a  large  part  of  the  time  he, 
with  other  Democratic  statesmen,  was  engaged 
in  a  struggle  with  the  Republican  party  against 
sectionalism  and  for  the  peaceful  preservation 
of  the  union  under  the  guarantees  of  the  Con 
stitution  and  the  enforcement  of  the  laws. 
These  Democratic  statesmen,  foreseeing  the 
baleful  consequences  of  a  civil  war,  deemed  it 
their  duty  to  exert  their  full  strength  to  avert 
that  direful  calamity,  believing  it  better  that 
every  citizen  should  be  made  secure  in  the 
rights  that  the  Constitution  and  the  laws  gave 
him,  rather  than  have  the  country  plunged 
into  the  serious  consequences  of  an  internecine 
war.  It  would  have  been  better  for  the  coun 
try  if  these  Democratic  statesmen  had  suc 
ceeded.  It  was  then  believed  that  their  efforts 
had  been  successful,  but  it  turned  out  later 
that  their  peaceful  contentions  in  the  halls  of 
Congress  were  only  the  forerunners  of  the 
bloody  contest  that  was  to  follow  so  soon  after 
wards.  They  failed  because  the  problems  with 


PREFACE  xi 

which  they  contended  were  not  to  be  settled  in 
that  peaceful  way.  The  lack  of  forbearance 
and  the  want  of  respect  for  the  Constitution 
and  the  laws  that  were  so  prevalent  among  the 
people  made  it  impossible ;  sentiment  had  been 
substituted  for  order  and  law.  Men  were  not 
willing  to  have  their  property  and  their  rights 
taken  from  them  without  resistance.  It  turned 
out  that  these  problems,  because  of  the  state 
of  the  public  mind,  could  only  be  fought  out 
in  the  bloody  last  resort  of  a  civil  war. 

If  the  abolition  of  slavery  was  so  inevitable 
and  right  it  would  have  come  gradually  in 
time,  in  the  natural  course  of  events,  as  it  had 
come  everywhere  else,  without  violence  and  in 
a  much  better  way.  The  Kansas-Nebraska  legis 
lation  over  which  these  statesmen  contended  in 
the  halls  of  Congress  resulted  in  the  split  of  the 
Democratic  party  in  the  Charleston  Convention, 
the  consequent  election  of  Abraham  Lincoln,  and 
the  resistance  of  the  South  to  the  disregard  shown 
by  the  North  for  the  guarantees  of  the  Constitu 
tion  and  the  laws  of  the  land. 

With  the  Civil  War  the  statesmen  of  the  period 
that  preceded  it,  and  their  times,  passed  away. 
They  are  all  gone,  and  have  been  succeeded  by  a 
new  school  of  men  who  are  called  upon  to  deal 
with  the  altered  conditions  that  confront  them. 
With  the  Civil  War  their  work  became  a  matter 
of  history.  With  the  passing  of  the  period  before 
the  war  the  nation  became  largely  commercial. 


xii  PREFACE 

With  it  the  bar  lost  its  influence  as  the  control 
ling  factor  in  civic  affairs.  With  it  many  valu 
able  things  that  it  is  difficult  to  define  lost  the 
place  they  held  in  the  comparatively  simple  re 
public  of  fifty  years  ago. 

C.  H.  J. 

PHILADELPHIA,  1910. 


CONTENTS 


CHAPTER  I. 

Welsh  emigration  to  Pennsylvania — The  Welsh  Tract — Some 
account  of  the  Jones  family  in  Wales — David  Jones — Hugh 
Jones — The  Rev.  William  Jones i 

CHAPTER  II. 

Welsh  settlements  in  Berks  County,  Pennsylvania — Caernar 
von,  Brecknock,  and  Cumru  townships — The  "  Main  Line" 
— St.  David's  Church — William  Davies — David  Jones  settles 
in  the  Conestoga  Valley — The  valley  of  the  Conestoga  and 
its  inhabitants — Negro  slavery — Bangor  Church  and  the 
religious  character  of  the  Welsh  people — Churchtown — 
Schools — St.  Thomas'  Church — Morgantown 13 

CHAPTER  III. 
The  Indians  in  the  Conestoga  Valley 31 

CHAPTER  IV. 

The  children  of  David  and  Elizabeth  Jones — Major  John  Jones 
— Colonel  Jonathan  Jones — His  career — Caleb  Jones,  Es 
quire — Marriage  of  Jonathan  Jones — John  Davies — His 


home  in  Cumru  Township — Breaking  out  of  the  Revolution 
lancy — The  Pawling  family — The 
War  of  1812 — English  scholars  in  the  Conestoga  Valley — 


— Jehu  Jones — Owen  Glancy — The  Pawling  family — The 
War  of  1812 — English  scholars  in  the  Conestoga  Valley — 
Changes  in  the  Conestoga  Valley 38 


CHAPTER  V. 

Birth  of  J.  Glancy  Jones — His  youth  in  the  Conestoga  Valley- 
Stage-coaches — Conestoga  wagons — Decline  of  the  Con 
estoga  Valley — J.  Glancy  Jones  enters  Kenyon  College — 
His  life  and  education  there — Completes  his  theological 
studies  in  Cincinnati — Returns  to  Pennsylvania  on  horse 
back — Is  married  to  Anna  Rodman — Returns  with  his  wife 
to  Cincinnati — Their  long  journey  from  Philadelphia  to 
Cincinnati — Letters  from  the  Right  Reverend  George 
Washington  Doane,  Bishop  of  New  Jersey — Mr.  Jones  is 

xiii 


xiv  CONTENTS 


ordained  a  minister  of  the  Protestant  Episcopal  Church — 
Resolution  of  the  vestry  of  Christ  Church,  Reading,  Penn 
sylvania  50 

CHAPTER  VI. 

Mr.  Jones  becomes  rector  of  St.  John's  Church,  Chew's  Land 
ing,  and  St.  Peter's  Church,  Berkeley — Rev.  Robert  Black- 
well — Mr.  Jones  is  transferred  to  the  church  at  Spottswood, 
New  Jersey — Organizes  the  parish  of  St.  Stephen's,  Bev 
erly,  New  Jersey — Resigns  his  rectorship  there  and  becomes 
rector  of  St.  Paul's  Church,  Quincy,  Florida — The  decade 
between  1830  and  1840 — A  journey  to  Florida  in  1839 — 
Florida — Mr.  Jones'  life  there — Withdrawal  from  the  min 
istry — Studies  law  and  is  admitted  to  the  bar  of  Georgia — 
Passes  the  winter  in  Elkton,  Maryland 66 

CHAPTER  VII. 

Mr.  Jones  returns  to  Pennsylvania,  and  begins  the  practice  of 
the  law  at  Easton — His  life  in  Easton — Address  upon  the 
tariff  and  protection  to  home  industry 80 

CHAPTER  VIII. 

Addresses  before  the  Easton  Lyceum — Monument  to  George 
Taylor — Letter  from  James  Buchanan — The  Democratic 
National  Convention  of  1844 — Martin  Van  Buren — The 
issues  of  the  campaign — Mr.  Jones  as  a  public  speaker — 
Removes  to  Reading,  Pennsylvania 104 

CHAPTER  IX. 

Mr.  Jones'  oration  at  the  memorial  services  of  Andrew  Jackson 
— Mr.  Jones'  early  life  in  Reading — His  success  at  the  bar 
—The  German  population  of  Berks  County — Dissensions 
in  the  Democratic  party — The  political  situation  when  Mr. 
Jones  came  to  Reading — His  influence  upon  it 114 

CHAPTER  X. 

Mr.  Jones  becomes  a  leader  in  the  local  events  of  Reading — Is 
appointed  Deputy  Attorney-General  for  Berks  County — 
The  Democratic  National  Convention  of  1848 — The  nomi 
nation 'of  Lewis  Cass  for  the  Presidency — Mr.  Jones  is 
appointed  chairman  of  the  Democratic  State  Central 
Committee — His  address 137 


CONTENTS  xv 

CHAPTER  XI. 

Mr.  Jones  as  a  leader — The  relation  of  a  political  leader  to  the 
people — Mr.  Jones  is  elected  to  Congress — Takes  his  seat 
at  the  first  session  of  the  Thirty-second  Congress — The 
"  Old  Capitol" — Mr.  Jones  is  appointed  a  member  of  the 
Committee  of  Ways  and  Means — His  health— The  scope  of 
his  public  life — The  reception  of  Louis  Kossuth — The 
death  of  Henry  Clay — The  death  of  Daniel  Webster 151 

CHAPTER  XII. 

Mexico — Cuba — The  United  States  Bank — Public  lands — The 
Fugitive  Slave  Law — Mr.  Jones'  speech  in  the  House  of 
Representatives  upon  the  tariff 1 63 

CHAPTER  XIII. 

The  retirement  of  Millard  Fillmore  from  the  Presidency — The 
inauguration  of  Franklin  Pierce — Mr.  Jones  is  mentioned 
for  the  Cabinet — His  forecast  of  President  Pierce's  Cabinet 
— The  passing  of  the  Whig  party — Mr.  Jones'  reputation 
becomes  national — He  declines  a  reelection  to  Congress — 
The  death  of  Mr.  Jones'  successor,  and  his  unsolicited  nomi 
nation  to  fill  the  vacancy — He  takes  his  seat  as  a  member 
of  the  Thirty-third  Congress — His  residence  in  Washington 
— The  introduction  of  the  Kansas-Nebraska  Bill — The  Ab 
olitionists — The  organization  of  the  Territories  of  Kansas 
and  Nebraska — Mr.  Jones'  support  of  the  bill — The  Breck- 
inridge-Cutting  affair — Cuba,  and  the  seizure  of  the  Ameri 
can  steamship  "  Black  Warrior" 194 

CHAPTER  XIV. 

Mr.  Jones'  speech  in  the  House  of  Representatives  upon  the 

Mexican  treaty 214 

CHAPTER  XV. 

The  bill  for  the  organization  of  the  Court  of  Claims — Mr.  Jones 
reports  the  bill  to  the  House  from  the  Committee  on  Claims 
and  secures  its  passage — The  tariff — Mr.  Jones  is  suggested 
as  Minister  to  England — Receives  a  large  vote  for  United 
States  Senator  in  the  Pennsylvania  Legislature — Mr.  Jones' 
letter  to  the  printers  of  Reading — Mr.  Jones  is  made  Presi 
dent  of  the  Democratic  State  Convention — His  speech — 
Visits  Harrisburg  with  President  Pierce — His  prominence 
in  public  affairs 245 


xvi  CONTENTS 


CHAPTER  XVI. 

The  Know-Nothing  party — Organization  of  the  Republican 
party — Mr.  Jones'  reelection  to  Congress  for  his  third  term 
—The  first  session  of  the  Thirty-fourth  Congress — The 
different  shades  of  political  conviction  in  the  opposition  to 
the  Democratic  party — The  long  contest  for  the  Speaker- 
ship — Mr.  Jones  is  selected  as  leader  of  the  Democratic 
party  in  the  House — He  drafts  the  platform  adopted  by 
the  caucus — His  long  debate  in  defence  of  that  platform.  .  258 


CHAPTER  XVII. 

Mr.  Jones'  firm  stand  against  the  assaults  upon  the  constitu 
tional  rights  of  the  South — His  broad  statesmanship — The 
last  effort  to  save  the  Union — Anxiety  of  the  administra 
tion — Refusal  of  Congress  to  recognize  the  revolutionary 
government  in  Kansas — Assault  upon  Charles  Sumner — 
Extent  of  the  jurisdiction  of  the  Court  of  Claims — Mr. 
Jones'  interpretation  of  the  act  endorsed  by  the  House — 
Mr.  John  Crampton,  British  Minister  at  Washington 314 

CHAPTER  XVIII. 

Mr.  Buchanan  and  the  Presidency — Speech  of  Mr.  Jones  in  his 
defence  in  the  House  of  Representatives — Mr.  Jones  and 
the  people  of  Georgia — His  active  participation  in  the 
Presidential  campaign  of  1856 — His  letter  from  Cincinnati 
to  Mr.  Buchanan — Mr.  Jones'  reelection  to  Congress  for  his 
fourth  term — The  triumph  of  the  principles  advocated  by 
Mr.  Jones  in  the  election  of  Mr.  Buchanan  to  the  Presidency.  329 

CHAPTER  XIX. 

Selection  of  Mr.  Jones  by  Mr.  Buchanan  for  a  seat  in  his  Cabi 
net,  supported  by  the  sentiment  of  the  country — Factional 
opposition  in  Pennsylvania — Mr.  Jones'  tour  through  the 
West 348 

CHAPTER  XX. 

Speech  of  Mr.  Jones,  at  Bloomsburg,  Pennsylvania,  in  support 
of  General  William  F.  Packer,  the  Democratic  candidate 
for  Governor 374 


The   LIFE 

AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES 
•f 

].  CLANCY  JONES 


CHAPTER  I. 

Welsh  emigration  to  Pennsylvania  —  The  Welsh  Tract  —  Some 
account  of  the  Jones  family  in  Wales  —  David  Jones  —  Hugh 
Jones  —  The  Rev.  William  Jones. 

WHEN  William  Penn  was  looking  for  colo 
nists  to  settle  his  newly  acquired  Prov 
ince,  he  promptly  met  with  a  response 
from  the  mountains  of  Wales.  The  Welsh  were 
among  the  very  first  of  those  in  whose  struggles 
with  the  wilderness  a  great  Commonwealth  had  its 
beginning.  The  Welsh  immigration  into  Penn 
sylvania  for  some  time  far  exceeded  that  from 
any  other  country,  and  it  was  through  these  early 
immigrants  that  the  fine  qualities  and  capabilities 
of  a  strong  and  ancient  race  took  root  in  the  Prov 
ince.  William  Penn  was  himself  of  Welsh  ex 
traction,  and  many  of  the  Welshmen  who  con 
ferred  with  him  in  London  in  the  latter  part  of 
1 68 1  were  Quakers  like  himself.  They  had  the 
advantage  of  this  claim  upon  his  partiality.  In- 

VOL.    I— 1  1 


2  The  LIFE  of  J.  CLANCY  JONES 

deed,  his  leaning  toward  the  Welsh  and  his  admi 
ration  for  their  character  are  said  to  have  been  so 
strong  that  he  preferred  "  New  Wales ' '  as  the  name 
of  his  Province. 

The  little  remnant  of  the  ancient  Britons  who 
had  sought  the  security  of  the  mountains  of  Wales 
when  they  were  driven  out  of  England  by  the 
Anglo-Saxons  had  been  drawn  still  closer  together, 
if  possible,  by  their  adversities.  They  became 
more  clannish  in  their  mountain  fastnesses,  more 
tenacious  of  their  Celtic  language,  their  Celtic 
customs,  and  their  Celtic  traditions;  and  when 
their  descendants  went  up  to  London,  with  their 
hearts  full  of  this  clannishness,  to  confer  with 
William  Penn  about  his  newly  acquired  lands  in 
America,  it  was  to  secure  from  him  the  assurance 
that  if  they  went  there  they  were  to  have  their 
bounds  and  limits  to  themselves,  within  which  all 
causes,  quarrels,  crimes,  and  titles  were  to  be  tried 
and  wholly  determined  by  officers,  magistrates, 
and  juries  in  their  own  language,  and  by  those 
who  were  their  equals,  in  the  same  manner  as  they 
had  enjoyed  these  liberties  and  privileges  in  the 
land  of  their  nativity,  under  the  Crown  of  England. 
They  impressed  upon  him,  with  all  the  vigor  of 
their  clannish  strength,  that  they  desired  to  be  by 
themselves  in  this  new  and  strange  land,  to  live 
together  as  a  civil  society  without  the  intrusion  of 
strangers,  to  endeavor  to  decide  all  controversies 
and  debates  in  a  gospel  order,  and  not  to  entangle 
themselves  with  laws  in  an  unknown  tongue,  as 


The  WELSH  TRACT  3 

also  to  preserve  their  language,  that  they  might 
ever  keep  correspondence  with  their  friends  in  the 
land  of  their  nativity.  The  diction,  so  far  as  the 
narrative  will  admit,  is  their  own.  In  response 
to  their  appeal,  William  Penn  directed  his  sur 
veyor-general,  Thomas  Holmes,  to  lay  out  for 
them  forty  thousand  acres.  This  tract,  as  laid  out 
by  Holmes,  extended  along  the  west  bank  of  the 
Schuylkill  from  what  is  now  the  City  Line  to  Con- 
shohocken,  and  as  far  westward  as  forty  thousand 
acres  would  go.  It  included  the  present  town 
ships  of  Radnor,  Haverford,  and  Lower  Merion. 
This  little  domain  is  known  in  history  as  the 
"Welsh  Tract." 

The  native  country  of  these  Welshmen  had 
their  devotion  and  loyalty  in  a  measure  that  was 
full  to  overflowing.  Its  rugged  beauty,  with  its 
wild  and  broken  succession  of  mountains,  its  con 
trasts  of  peaceful  valleys,  and  its  ample  allotment 
of  refreshing  lakes,  rivers,  and  streams  abundantly 
filled  with  salmon  and  trout,  appealed  strongly  to 
their  imaginative  and  romantic  temperament, 
whilst  its  history  inspired  them  with  love  and  ad 
miration  for  the  valor  and  steadfastness  of  their 
people.  But  the  valleys  were  narrow  and  small, 
the  land  was  too  poor  to  yield  much  more  than 
good  pasture,  and  the  roads  were  bad.  When 
they  heard,  therefore,  the  alluring  accounts  of  the 
great  resources  of  the  new  and  distant  Province 
of  Pennsylvania,  those  recitals  appealed  very 
strongly  to  their  vivid  imagination.  The  abun- 


4  The  LIFE  of  J.  CLANCY  JONES 

dance  of  this  new  country  beyond  the  sea  proved 
to  be  very  tempting  when  they  contrasted  it  with 
the  limited  resources  of  their  own  mountainous 
land.  They  knew  how  the  English  and  the  Saxons 
had  supplanted  their  ancestors,  the  Britons,  by 
force,  and  had  brought  with  them  to  the  shores  of 
England  and  firmly  planted  there,  to  the  exclusion 
of  everything  else,  the  social  and  political  life  of 
their  Teutonic  fatherland;  and  they  thought  it 
would  be  an  easy  matter  for  them  peacefully,  in 
a  new  country,  to  establish  a  Welsh  colony  where 
they  might  retain  the  cherished  associations  of 
their  old  home  and  yet  reap  the  advantages  of  this 
promising  land.  Pennsylvania  was  a  long  way  off 
and  difficult  to  reach,  but  they  were  familiar  with 
the  perils  of  the  sea,  and  as  strong  as  their  own 
everlasting  hills.  So,  entrained  by  the  hopes  and 
promises  the  new  land  held  out  to  them,  the  diffi 
culties  of  the  situation  interposed  no  obstacles, 
and  they  left  Wales  in  large  numbers  and  settled 
in  the  "Welsh  Tract." 

The  Welshmen  with  whom  this  narrative  is 
chiefly  concerned,  who,  with  few  exceptions,  spoke 
no  language  but  Welsh,  settled  in  that  part  of  the 
" Welsh  Tract"  which  afterwards  became  Radnor 
Township,  Delaware  County,  Pennsylvania.  Here 
they  felled  the  trees,  and  built  their  log  houses  with 
them.  Here,  in  the  course  of  time,  they  built 
with  logs  a  little  Episcopal  church,  and  named  it 
after  the  patron  saint  of  Wales.  Here  for  many 
years  the  musical  rhythm  of  the  Welsh  tongue 


EARLY  SETTLEMENTS  5 

was  as  familiar  a  sound  as  it  was  in  the  hills  and 
valleys  of  Wales.  They  had  nothing  but  logs  to 
build  their  houses  with,  for  that  part  of  the  "  Welsh 
Tract"  was  the  "back  country,"  even  in  Penn 
sylvania,  for  many  years  after  the  Welsh  went  to 
settle  there.  Many  of  the  houses  had  not  even 
locks  or  bolts  on  the  doors.  If  they  had  bolts, 
these  were  made  of  wood.  The  settlements  were 
few  and  scattered.  There  were  not  many  roads, 
and  the  few  they  had  were  little  better  than  trails, 
laid  out  in  places  remote  from  the  great  highways 
that  afterward  traversed  the  Commonwealth, 
where  later  generations  found  little  use  for  them. 
The  distances,  which  were  not  great,  were  covered 
chiefly  on  foot  or  on  horseback.  Every  dwelling 
had  its  horse-block,  for  convenience  in  getting  in 
and  out  of  the  pillion.  Merchandise  was  carried 
in  panniers  strapped  to  the  horses'  sides.  Cloth 
ing  was  imported  from  England,  and  they  were 
obliged  to  pay  as  much,  often  more,  for  it  and  for 
their  provisions  than  they  had  paid  in  Wales. 
The  country  was  rich  in  soil,  climate,  and  beautiful 
scenery,  but  the  landscapes  were  mild  when  com 
pared  with  the  bolder  landscapes  of  Wales.  The 
water  which  gives  such  a  charm  to  Welsh  scenery 
was  not  there.  The  trees  were  fine,  game  was  abun 
dant,  and  though  the  conditions  were  as  healthy  as 
could  have  been  expected  in  a  newly  broken  coun 
try,  it  was  not  long  before  there  were  many  graves. 
These  graves  were  always  faithfully  decorated  on 
Palm  Sunday,  as  is  the  universal  custom  in  Wales. 


6  The  LIFE  of  J.  CLANCY  JONES 

Though  descended  from  a  brave  and  warlike 
people,  these  Welshmen  were  devoted  to  the  arts 
of  peace.  They  were  a  contented  and  prosperous 
little  community.  Most  of  them  had  means. 
They  were  particular  in  their  personal  appearance 
and  their  linen.  The  men  dressed  in  buckskin 
breeches  and  plush  coats,  and  the  women  in  cam 
bric,  fine  bonnets,  and  silk.  They  were  clannish, 
and  impatient  of  the  intrusion  of  strangers.  The 
Indians  disturbed  them  only  as  marauders,  though 
they  kept  them  abundantly  supplied  with  venison 
and  helped  them  with  a  hospitable  interest  to  ad 
just  themselves  to  the  wild  life  of  the  wilderness 
with  which  the  Indians  were  so  much  more  fa 
miliar.  The  land  yielded  abundantly  in  return 
for  their  labors.  Their  great  barns  soon  became 
filled  with  sheaves,  and  they  took  their  grain,  their 
flour,  and  their  stock  to  a  profitable  market  at 
Philadelphia,  at  first  over  what  was  not  much 
more  than  a  Welsh  trail  through  the  wilderness, 
which  lay  chiefly  along  the  line  of  what  is  now  the 
Lancaster  Turnpike,  and  later  with  less  difficulty 
over  the  Haverford  Road,  which  was  opened  for 
their  use  as  early  as  1703.  It  ran  down  to  the 
upper  ferry  over  the  Schuylkill,  kept  by  one 
William  Powell,  at  the  place  where  the  river  is 
now  spanned  by  the  Callowhill  Street  bridge.  It 
was  no  great  distance  to  Philadelphia— twelve  to 
fifteen  miles;  and  many  of  them  had,  no  doubt, 
easily  walked  it  in  a  day. 

The  " Welsh  Tract"  included  within  its  borders 


A  WELSH  BARONY  7 

as  good  land  as  there  was  in  Pennsylvania,  and 
under  Welsh  enterprise  and  industry  it  soon  be 
came  the  most  prosperous  and  best  cultivated 
part  of  the  Province.  There  were  upwards  of 
eighty  settlements  there  as  early  as  1684.  The 
Proprietary  recognized  the  exclusive  privileges 
this  little  colony  of  Welshmen  enjoyed  within  the 
"  Welsh  Tract,"  when  he  called  it  a  barony,  in 
his  warrant  dated  at  Pennsbury,  first  month,  thir 
teenth,  1684,  by  which  he  confirmed  the  verbal 
promises  he  had  made  them  in  England  three  years 
before.  They  even  had  hopes  that  their  colony 
might  some  day  become  a  county  palatine.  It 
had  many  of  the  features  of  a  feudal  barony, 
including  the  right  of  court  baron,  in  which,  as  in 
all  other  public  affairs,  the  business  was  trans 
acted  in  the  Welsh  language.  There  were  no 
county  or  township  organizations.  That  came 
later.  It  was  a  sort  of  imperium  in  imperio — a 
little  nation  within  itself.  This  was  all  very  well 
so  long  as  the  Province  was  in  its  infancy,  thinly 
settled,  and  not  well  organized,  but  it  was  not 
possible  that  it  should  endure.  Neither  the  des 
tiny  of  the  Commonwealth  nor  the  interests  of  the 
Welshmen  themselves,  whose  endowments  de 
manded  a  wider  field,  and  whose  strong  traits  of 
character  soon  elevated  them  to  positions  of  power 
and  prominence  among  their  fellow  colonists, 
would  have  admitted  of  it. 

But  other  causes  earlier  sealed  the  fate  of  this 
little  Welsh  barony  before  the  close  of  the  seven- 


8  The  LIFE  of  J.  CLANCY  JONES 

teenth  century.  In  his  warrant  for  the  forty  thou 
sand  acres,  William  Penn  stated  that  he  had  the 
assurance  of  the  Welshmen  that  "the  number 
already  come  and  suddenly  to  come  were  such 
as  were  capable  of  planting  the  same  much  within 
the  proportion  allowed  by  the  custom  of  the  coun 
try,  and  so  not  lie  in  lazy  and  useless  vacancies." 
As  we  have  seen,  the  persuasive  force  with  which 
the  story  of  the  wealth  of  Pennsylvania  had  been 
told  had  led  large  numbers  of  Welshmen,  among 
whom  were  some  of  the  best  and  most  important 
inhabitants  of  Wales,  to  leave  their  homes  and 
settle  within  the  "  Welsh  Tract,"  but  not  so  many 
came  as  were  expected.  Many  of  the  forty  thou 
sand  acres  remained  unoccupied  and  unimproved. 
There  were  not  Welshmen  enough  to  fill  them  up. 
More  than  that,  the  energy  and  thrift  of  those 
who  were  there  gave  by  their  efforts  an  attractive 
ness  to  the  place  which  strongly  appealed  to 
strangers  of  other  nationalities  who  were  colonists 
like  themselves.  These  strangers  were  eagerly 
waiting  outside  for  an  opportunity  to  go  in  and 
take  up  the  unoccupied  lands.  The  Commission 
ers  began  to  feel  that  the  progressive  development 
of  the  Province  was  being  held  back  by  the  close 
boundaries  of  the  " Welsh  Tract."  The  Welsh, 
in  one  last  effort  to  save  their  barony,  offered  to 
pay  the  quit-rents  to  the  Proprietary  for  all  the 
lands  within  its  borders  whether  they  were  occu 
pied  or  not,  but  the  Commissioners  were  firm  in 
the  stand  they  had  taken,  that  the  proper  devel- 


STRANGERS  9 

opment  of  the  Province  demanded  actual  settle 
ments,  not  vacant  lands,  and  that  the  quit-rents 
were  not  all  that  the  interests  of  the  Proprietary 
demanded.  So  strangers  were  let  into  the  "  Welsh 
Tract ' '  to  take  the  places  there  were  no  Welshmen 
to  claim,  and  soon  afterwards  it  lost  its  exclusive 
Welsh  character.  The  promises  of  the  Proprietary 
and  the  cherished  hopes  of  the  Welsh  were  obliged 
to  give  way  to  the  onward  march  of  development. 
Still,  notwithstanding  the  fact  that  it  had  ceased 
to  be  exclusively  a  Welsh  colony  and  that  strangers 
of  other  nationality  had  become  their  neighbors, 
the  Welsh  character  of  the  settlement  remained 
unchanged  for  many  years.  By  far  the  greater 
number  of  the  settlers,  with  the  language  and  cus 
toms  of  the  place,  continued  to  be  Welsh.  It  had 
lost  its  distinctive  ethnologic  character  only  in 
name.  Other  Welshmen  continued  to  come  into 
it.  A  Welshman  who  was  about  to  exchange  his 
established  place  among  his  own  people  for  the 
strange  associations  of  a  new  country  would 
naturally  prefer  a  settlement  like  this,  that  was 
largely  made  up  of  his  own  countrymen.  There 
is  no  people  in  whom  the  sentiment  of  nationality 
is  more  tenacious  than  it  is  in  the  Welsh.  Yet 
there  were  many  Welsh  emigrants  to  Pennsylvania 
who  did  not  go  into  the  "  Welsh  Tract,"  and  there 
were  many  others  who,  after  they  had  tried  life 
there  for  a  while,  moved  on  from  choice  into  other 
fields  that  suited  them  better;  and  some  went  back 
to  Wales.  There  are  now  other  places  in  south- 


10  The  LIFE  of  J.  CLANCY  JONES 

eastern  Pennsylvania  that  bear  as  distinctive 
marks  of  the  early  Welsh  settlements  as  are  to  be 
found  in  what  was  once  the  "  Welsh  Tract." 

The  closest  relations  continued  to  exist,  how 
ever,  between  the  little  Welsh  colony  in  Penn 
sylvania  and  the  old  country  from  which  it  had 
sprung.  These  Welshmen  on  both  sides  of  the 
Atlantic  were  so  closely  allied  to  each  other  by 
blood  and  by  their  common  interests,  inclinations, 
and  tastes,  that  neither  distance  nor  the  difficulty 
of  communication  had  been  able  to  set  up  any 
barriers  between  them.  The  people  in  Wales 
knew  all  that  was  going  on  in  the  "  Welsh  Tract." 
They  kept  closely  in  touch  with  the  situation 
there.  It  had  introduced  a  new  object  of  interest, 
a  new  excitement,  into  the  monotony  of  their 
pastoral  lives,  and  they  welcomed  and  encouraged 
it.  Intercourse  between  them  was  kept  up  by 
correspondence,  and  by  the  going  to  and  fro  of 
new  settlers  who  were  going  out  and  old  settlers 
who  were  coming  in. 

Among  those  Welshmen  whose  youthful  interest 
and  enthusiasm  were  aroused  by  the  stories  they 
heard  of  life  and  adventure  in  the  new  world  was 
a  lad  by  the  name  of  David  Jones.  He  lived  in 
Merionethshire,  the  most  mountainous  country 
in  Wales,  near  Bala  Lake,  a  region  that  abounds 
in  wild  and  beautiful  scenery.  His  people  were 
zealous  members  of  the  Church  of  England,  his 
grandfather,  Hugh  Jones,  having  had  his  adhe 
rence  to  the  High  Church  party  under  Charles  II. 


ANCESTRY  11 

strengthened  by  the  persecution  this  party  had 
experienced  in  the  Revolution.  A  Welshman  of 
those  days  was  not  of  the  mould  that  yields  its 
convictions  to  force  and  violence.  The  father  of 
David  Jones,  the  Rev.  William  Jones,  was  a  min 
ister  of  the  Episcopal  Church.  He  was  rector, 
at  the  time  his  son  David  was  born,  in  August, 
1709,  of  the  parish  of  Llangower,  and  lived  on  a 
farm  called  Maesyfallen,  between  the  towns  of 
Bala  and  Dolgelly,  the  capital  of  Merionethshire, 
where  Owen  Glendower's  Parliament  sat  in  1404. 
The  Rev.  William  Jones  was  a  graduate  of  the 
University  of  Oxford,  having  matriculated  at 
Jesus  College,  March  i,  1 680-81,  at  the  age  of 
eighteen,  and  received  his  degree  of  Bachelor  of 
Arts  in  1684.  The  family  had  relatives  among  the 
settlers  on  the  "  Welsh  Tract."  The  mother  of 
David  Jones  died  in  his  early  youth,  and  his  father 
married  again.  As  is  often  the  case  under  those 
circumstances,  he  did  not  find  his  home  after  his 
step-mother  came  into  it  the  same  congenial  place 
it  had  been  before.  As  the  charm  of  his  home  life 
grew  weaker,  the  life  of  adventure  among  those 
who  had  gone  to  the  "Welsh  Tract"  increased 
in  interest  and  attractiveness.  Others  were  going 
out,  among  whom  he  had  sympathizing  relatives 
and  friends,  who  encouraged  him  to  go  with  them, 
and  he  was  entrusted  to  their  care.  At  the  age  of 
twelve,  in  1721,  he  left  Wales,  and  found  himself, 
after  a  long  and  stormy  voyage  of  ten  weeks,  in 
the  home  of  relatives  by  the  name  of  Samuels  on 


12  The  LIFE  of  J.  CLANCY  JONES 

the  "Welsh  Tract,"  within  the  borders  of  what 
is  now  known  as  Radnor  Township,  Delaware 
County,  Pennsylvania.  The  foundations  of  the 
family  in  America  were  laid  by  an  adventurous 
and  courageous  youth  like  this. 

Though  it  was  a  bold  and  enterprising  pro 
ceeding  in  one  so  young  to  give  up  the  safe  and 
secure  advantages  of  home  in  an  old  and  thickly 
settled  country  for  the  chances  and  uncertainties 
of  a  new,  strange,  and  distant  wilderness,  young 
David  Jones  was  not  altogether  cutting  loose  from 
his  home  associations.  The  " Welsh  Tract"  into 
which  he  was  going  was,  to  be  sure,  as  unlike  Wales 
as  it  well  could  be,  but  the  people  there  were  the 
same,  save,  perhaps,  for  the  loss  of  some  fine  qual 
ity  that  had  been  the  gift  of  their  rich  Welsh 
climate.  Most  of  the  "  Welsh  Tract  "was  still  a 
wilderness  only  partly  broken  by  cultivation,  and 
most  of  his  friends  and  acquaintances  were  new, 
but  some  were  his  relatives,  and  some  he  had 
known  in  Wales.  The  nights  there  were  lonely, 
with  a  loneliness  that  is  to  be  found  in  the  solitude 
of  a  wilderness  as  it  can  be  found  nowhere  else. 
Yet  when  these  nights  came  on  and  he  was  shut 
in  with  his  friends  by  the  fireside,  it  was  not  diffi 
cult  for  him  to  fancy  that  he  was  back  once  more 
in  Merionethshire. 


CHAPTER   II. 

Welsh  settlements  in  Berks  County,  Pennsylvania — Caernarvon, 
Brecknock,  and  Cumru  townships — The  "Main  Line" — St. 
David's  Church — William  Davies — David  Jones  settles  in  the 
Conestoga  Valley — The  valley  of  the  Conestoga  and  its  inhab 
itants — Negro  slavery — Bangor  Church  and  the  religious  char 
acter  of  the  Welsh  people — Churchtown — Schools — St.  Thomas' 
Church — Morgantown . 

MANY  of  the  Welshmen  who  had  gone  first 
to  the  "Welsh  Tract"  moved  on  after  a 
while  some  thirty  or  forty  miles  to  the 
northwestward,  across  the  " Great  Valley,"  and 
became  the  first  white  settlers  in  the  mountain 
solitudes  of  what  was  then  Lancaster  and  is  now 
the  lower  end  of  Berks  County,  Pennsylvania. 
There  the  townships  still  bear  the  names  these  early 
Welsh  settlers  gave  them,  Caernarvon,  Brecknock, 
and  Cumru,  the  last  being  an  English  adaptation 
of  Cymry,  the  name  the  Welsh  had  given  to 
themselves.  These  Welsh  settlements  extended 
up  the  Schuylkill  as  far  north  as  Tulpehocken 
Creek.  The  Welsh  were  the  pioneers  of  that 
region,  who  cleared  away  the  primeval  forests, 
tilled  the  virgin  soil,  opened  the  mines,  and  built 
their  grist  and  fulling  mills,  furnaces,  and  forges 
along  the  streams  where  they  could  find  water- 
power  to  run  them.  The  mineral  deposits  and 
these  adequate  streams  were  some  of  the  features 

13 


14  The  LIFE  of  J.  CLANCY  JONES 

of  this  new  country  that  made  it  more  attractive 
to  these  Welshmen  than  the  "  Welsh  Tract." 

While  these  Welshmen  who  settled  on  the  Cones- 
toga  were  wise  in  the  location  of  their  settlements 
by  the  light  of  their  own  times,  they  were  not 
equally  wise  in  their  forecast  of  the  future.  The 
Pennsylvania  Railroad  now  runs  through  what 
was  once  the  " Welsh  Tract,"  and  parts  of  its 
forty  thousand  acres  are  now  included  in  a  fashion 
able  strip  of  country  along  that  railroad,  familiarly 
known  as  the  "Main  Line."  But  few  of  the  de 
scendants  of  the  early  Welsh  settlers  are  now  to  be 
found  there.  It  has  become  one  of  the  most  highly 
improved  suburban  districts  in  the  country,  and 
is  now  mainly  noted  for  the  number  and  value  of 
its  beautiful  country  seats,  its  fine  estates  stocked 
with  herds  of  choice  cattle  and  thoroughbred 
horses.  An  acre  of  ground  there  is  now  worth 
many  thousands  of  dollars.  The  fine  new  roads 
that  have  been  opened  and  improved  are  chiefly 
used  for  the  pleasure  of  a  rich  and  leisure  class 
whose  automobiles  and  fine  equipages  may  be 
seen  upon  them  in  large  numbers  on  any  fine  after 
noon.  In  these  same  places  where  in  early  times, 
in  true  rustic  fashion,  the  young  men  rode  across 
country  after  the  hounds  in  a  real  fox- chase,  there 
has  been  a  revival  of  the  sport,  though  in  some 
respects  an  artificial  one,  by  this  fashionable  and 
leisure  class  that  now  occupies  the  country.  The 
congregation  of  old  St.  David's  Church  is  now 
largely  made  up  of  those  who  live  upon  these  fine 


The  "MAIN   LINE"  15 

estates,  who  respect  and  cherish  its  venerable 
walls  and  its  rich  associations  with  the  past. 
What  was  once  the  "Welsh  Tract"  has  become 
a  suburb  of  the  great  city  which  in  those  early  days 
was  the  little  metropolis  of  a  new,  unbroken  Prov 
ince,  upon  the  whole  of  which  its  Proprietary 
found  some  difficulty  in  placing  a  mortgage  for  the 
small  sum  of  eight  thousand  pounds.  The  "  Welsh 
Tract"  now  presents  a  most  striking  contrast,  in 
the  changes  time  has  wrought,  to  the  remote  little 
valley  of  the  Conestoga,  once  the  more  prosperous 
of  the  two,  with  its  deserted  little  Episcopal 
churches,  founded  by  the  same  stock  of  Welshmen 
who  only  a  few  years  earlier  had  built  old  St. 
David's  at  Radnor. 

This  recrudescence  of  the  beautiful  region  where 
the  Welshmen  once  led  their  simple,  uneventful 
lives  was  a  reactionary  movement — a  flowing 
back  of  great  wealth  out  of  the  places  where  it 
had  concentrated  into  the  sources  which  had 
largely  contributed  to  its  accumulation.  The  rich 
and  leisure  class  which  now  lives  in  luxury  upon 
the  land  where  the  Welshmen  once  toiled  is  the 
direct  outcome  of  the  prosperity  which  those 
Welshmen  helped  to  create.  This  prosperity  can 
be  traced  in  large  measure  back  to  its  origin  in  the 
labors  of  those  early  husbandmen  who  first  broke 
the  soil  of  the  Province.  The  "Welsh  Tract" 
was  part,  if  not  the  best,  of  the  back  country  upon 
which  the  commerce  of  the  town  depended  for  its 
success.  What  we  call  commerce  cannot  exist, 


16  The  LIFE  of  J.  CLANCY  JONES 

much  less  grow,  apart  from  the  land.  "All 
wealth,"  said  Adam  Smith,  "  comes  from  the  soil." 
The  greatness  of  the  Commonwealth  grew  as  the 
great  oak  grows  from  the  acorn  some  rustic  hand 
has  planted,  as  the  ripened  grain  succeeds  the  act 
of  the  man  who  sows  the  seed.  All  this  prosperity 
would  not  have  been  possible  if  these  early  pioneers 
had  not  done  well  their  simple  work  in  which  it 
had  its  modest  beginning.  And  now,  in  the  course 
of  time,  out  of  the  wealth  which  these  early  settlers 
helped  to  produce,  this  prosperous  class  has  come 
from  the  town,  back  to  nature,  to  occupy  the  land 
which  the  Welshmen  had  cleared,  and  to  turn  into 
parks  and  lawns  the  soil  which  they  more  than  a 
century  before  had  broken.  The  little  Welsh 
community  that  existed  here  in  the  beginning  was 
only  a  lesser  form  of  this  prosperity. 

Though  the  new  settlements  to  the  northward 
were  much  farther  off  and  long  stretches  of  wilder 
ness  lay  between  them  and  the  "Welsh  Tract," 
distance  was  not  able  to  weaken  the  invisible  cord 
that  bound  them  together.  It  had  rather  been 
strengthened  by  their  separation.  It  led  them 
to  and  fro  over  the  trails  through  the  wilderness, 
and  in  that  way  the  people  on  the  "  Welsh  Tract " 
came  to  know  the  new  country  almost  as  well  as 
they  knew  their  own.  In  time  they  came  to  like 
it  better.  It  had  become  more  distinctly  Welsh, 
and  in  1730  twenty-four  additional  Welsh  families 
left  the  "Welsh  Tract"  and  settled  in  the  valley 
along  the  Conestoga  River.  They  were  shut  in 


The  CONESTOGA  VALLEY  17 

there  on  every  side — a  little  forest-bound  valley 
full  of  energetic,  courageous,  capable  people  living 
by  themselves.  The  outlets  into  other  com 
munities  were  long  and  wild  and  difficult.  They 
shut  off  intrusion  from  without,  and  kept  the  peo 
ple  who  lived  there  at  home.  The  isolation  of 
this  little  group  of  Welshmen  increased  their 
strength,  made  them  more  self-reliant,  interde 
pendent,  concentrative.  It  developed  their  strong 
sense  of  brotherhood.  It  made  this  little  valley 
the  nursery  of  strong  men  who  went  out  from  it  in 
later  years  to  make  their  mark  in  the  world.  So 
deeply  did  the  strong  race  that  once  dwelt  there 
make  its  impression  upon  the  land,  that,  though 
they  are  gone,  their  unfading  memory  still  lingers 
there,  intermingled  with  the  sweet  fragrance  of  its 
fields,  and  inseparably  associated  with  the  native 
beauty  of  its  long  reaches  of  mountains,  fertile 
slopes,  and  graceful,  undulating  lowlands. 

Much  as  we  know  of  these  interesting  people, 
who  lived  their  tranquil  lives  on  their  opulent 
and  well-furnished  farms  in  this  peaceful  valley 
for  generations  extending  over  much  more  than 
a  century,  we  would  willingly  know  more.  One 
cannot  pass  through  this  beautiful,  abundant 
country  without  reverence,  as  his  eyes  rest  upon 
the  scenes  where,  while  as  yet  but  a  wild  Indian 
hunting-ground,  this  little  band  of  heroes  en 
dured  their  trials  and  privations  with  patience 
and  fortitude ;  nor  yet  without  a  keen  sense  of  the 
fine  qualities  of  these  early  settlers,  who  struggled 

VOL.  1—2 


18  The  LIFE  of  J.  GLANCY  JONES 

there  with  the  unbroken  solitude  until  the  rough 
places  in  the  wilderness,  under  their  hands,  grad 
ually  faded  away,  and  in  their  stead  appeared,  as 
if  by  magic,  a  beautiful  landscape  of  waving  grain, 
rich  pastures,  and  broad  fields  of  fragrant  clover. 
The  sunshine  of  many  years  has  faded  the  higher 
tints  out  of  the  picture,  but  they  may  be  restored 
in  a  measure  by  the  imagination,  if  the  mind  is 
enriched  with  the  helpful  traditions  of  those  early 
times. 

The  cutting  down  of  trees,  the  breaking  and  the 
tilling  of  the  soil,  are  not,  to  be  sure,  important 
historical  events  in  the  sense  that  we  understand 
the  striking  occurrences  of  history.  They  leave, 
it  would  seem,  but  little  for  the  annalist  to  record. 
The  recital  of  these  simple  incidents  makes  but  a 
colorless  story.  Yet  unimportant  as  these  events 
may  be  in  themselves,  they  become  important 
when  we  find  in  them  the  laying  of  the  founda 
tions  of  a  new  country.  These  descendants  of  the 
little  band  of  Britons  who  were  the  last  to  with 
stand  the  Anglo-Saxon  were  fixing  here  upon  the 
land  the  strong  characteristics  of  their  race,  which 
were  destined  to  leaven  its  future  development  and 
to  engraft  upon  it  the  influence  of  their  Celtic  char 
acter,  their  Celtic  romance,  and  their  Celtic  fancy. 
They  were  an  emotional,  proud,  elastic  people,  with 
a  quick  eye  for  the  beautiful  and  a  strong  instinct 
of  nobility.  They  loved  nature,  and  everything 
beautiful  that  was  to  be  found  in  it.  To  their 
romance  and|their  fancy  they  united  courage  and 


WILLIAM  DAVIES  19 

the  more  practical  forms  of  life.  Nothing  of  the 
narrowness  of  fanaticism  was  to  be  found  in  them. 
They  were  broad  in  their  aims  and  actions.  What 
we  see  here,  therefore,  in  their  uneventful  lives, 
is  not  unimportant.  It  becomes  valuable  to  the 
biographer  when  he  seeks  in  it,  back  through  the 
dim  vista  of  time,  the  origin  of  many  of  the  fine 
qualities  that  appear  afterwards  in  remote  genera 
tions  of  their  descendants. 

David  Jones  lived  for  fourteen  years  in  the 
"  Welsh  Tract,"  where  he  went  to  an  elementary 
school  kept  by  one  Rowland  Jones.  When  he 
was  twenty-six,  he  married  there  Elizabeth  Davies, 
a  beautiful  girl  twenty  years  old,  the  youngest  of 
the  eight  children  of  William  Davies,  a  Welsh 
man  who,  though  not  one  of  the  first,  was  an  early 
settler  in  the  "Welsh  Tract."  He  was  a  man  of 
education  and  importance  in  Wales,  and  of  still 
greater  importance  in  the  Welsh  settlements  of 
Pennsylvania.  He  was  one  of  the  largest  land 
owners  in  the  "  Welsh  Tract,"  and  was  among  the 
earliest  of  those  who  took  an  interest  in  old  St. 
David's  Church,  Radnor.  He  was  one  of  its  ves 
trymen  and  church- wardens.  The  church  ser 
vices  were  held  in  his  house  in  1700,  and  for  several 
years  afterwards,  by  the  Rev.  Dr.  Evan  Evans, 
a  Welshman  who  got  his  degree  from  Brasenose 
College,  Oxford.  He  gave  the  ground  upon  which 
the  present  church  was  built  in  1715.  The  ser 
vices  in  this  church  were  conducted  for  many 
years  in  the  Welsh  language.  William  Davies 


20  The  LIFE  of  J.  CLANCY  JONES 

was  one  of  those  who  later  became  very  much  in 
terested  in  the  Welsh  settlements  to  the  north 
ward.  He  purchased  upwards  of  a  thousand 
acres  in  the  Conestoga  Valley,  upon  which  his 
children  settled.  He  became  a  merchant  in  Phil 
adelphia,  and  many  of  the  Welsh  settlers  in  Penn 
sylvania  were  brought  out  in  his  ships.  After  his 
retirement  from  business  in  1730  he  was  a  justice 
of  the  peace  in  Radnor  Township,  and  continued 
to  be  so  to  the  time  of  his  death,  in  1739.  In 
those  early  days  St.  David's  Church  was  often  de 
pendent  for  its  ministrations  upon  the  rector  of 
Christ  Church,  Philadelphia,  and  David  Jones  and 
Elizabeth  Davies  were  married  by  him,  May  10, 
1735.  After  their  marriage,  like  her  brothers  and 
sisters,  they  followed  the  Welshmen  who  had  pre 
ceded  them  across  the  Welsh  Mountain  into  what 
now  bears  the  name  of  Berks  County,  and  made 
their  home  in  the  beautiful  valley  of  the  Cones- 
toga  River.  Here  their  descendants  remained 
for  four  generations,  covering  a  period  of  one  hun 
dred  and  thirty  years. 

When  David  Jones  with  his  young  bride,  who 
was  five  years  younger  than  himself,  reached  the 
summit  of  the  Welsh  Mountain  on  their  way  to 
begin  life  in  the  nascent  little  community  which 
was  to  become  their  home,  and  the  home  of  their 
descendants  for  so  many  years,  a  charming  pros 
pect  broke  upon  their  sight.  The  landscape  upon 
which  their  eyes  rested  was  clothed  with  the  fresh 
verdure  of  the  early  summer.  A  valley  only  con- 


The  LANDSCAPE  21 

tributes  its  soft  beauty  to  the  landscape  when 
one  looks  down  into  it,  as  they  looked  down  into 
the  valley  of  the  Conestoga,  from  the  mountain 
heights  to  which  it  belongs.  Valleys  contribute 
beauty  to  any  landscape,  but  few  contribute  as 
much  as  this  little  valley  then  contributed  to  the 
landscape  which  lay  spread  out  before  them. 
Stretching  to  the  west  as  far  as  the  eye  could  reach 
was  the  long,  graceful  range  of  the  Welsh  Moun 
tain,  filled  with  the  wild  sounds  of  its  unmolested 
creatures  and  sweet  with  the  fragrance  of  the 
mountain  arbutus.  Across  the  valley  in  front  of 
them  lay  the  broken,  receding  sandstone  hills  of 
"The  Forest,"  sometimes  called  the  "  Bad  Lands," 
covered  for  miles  with  the  impenetrable  thicket 
from  which  it  took  its  name. 

Between  these  contrasting  borders,  far  down 
below  them  lay  the  deep  valley  with  its  fertile 
slopes  and  undulating  prairies  covered  with  long 
perspectives  of  waving  grass  and  grain,  relieved 
here  and  there  by  some  little  upland  covered  with 
stately  trees.  Winding  through  the  meadows  of 
the  valley  ran  the  crystal  waters  of  the  Conestoga, 
with  its  tributaries,  shining  with  a  soft,  reflected 
light.  No  prospect  could  have  been  more  pleas 
ing.  It  was  such  an  outlook  as  holds  the  observer 
in  rapt  attention,  as  though  he  were  under  the 
influence  of  some  restful  charm.  The  stately 
dignity  of  the  mountains ;  the  soft  and  gentle  feat 
ures  of  the  lowlands,  full  of  promise  and  beauty; 
the  plain  and  scattered  homes  of  the  early  settlers, 


22  The  LIFE  of  J.  CLANCY  JONES 

that  seemed  to  be  lying  down  there  in  the  warm 
embrace  of  nature,  too  few  in  number  even  to 
disturb  the  dominion  of  the  birds  with  their  vary 
ing  notes  of  song;  the  changes  of  sunshine  and 
shadow;  the  silence  and  peace  that  were  reigning 
everywhere;  the  invigorating  atmosphere,  and 
the  efficient  harmony  of  it  all  that  was  gradually 
reaching  their  senses — must  have  filled  these 
youthful  pioneers  with  comfort  and  gladness,  as 
they  looked  out  upon  this  charming  scene  and 
thought  of  the  future. 

David  Jones  inherited  some  means  from  his 
mother,  and  with  it  he  purchased,  after  his  mar 
riage,  in  1735,  a  thousand  acres  of  land  in  the  upper 
end  of  the  Conestoga  Valley,  east  of  the  tract 
which  had  been  sold  to  Thomas  Morgan  and  Cad- 
walader  Ellis  in  1718.  He  also  purchased,  in 
1737,  about  four  hundred  acres  in  the  bottom  of 
the  valley,  near  Bangor  Church,  through  which  the 
Conestoga  ran.  The  upper  tract  which  David 
Jones  bought  contained  extensive  deposits  of  iron- 
and  copper  ore.  He  opened  and  developed  these 
mines,  and  they  have  borne  his  name  to  the 
present  day.  He  is  described  by  a  local  historian 
as  "  one  of  the  foremost  iron-masters  of  his  day." 

The  little  Welsh  colony  on  the  Conestoga  did 
not  differ  from  other  communities  in  the  way 
Nature  distributed  her  favors.  She  was  as  dis 
criminating  there  as  she  is  everywhere  else.  What 
she  gave  to  some  she  withheld  from  others.  All 
did  not  receive  alike  the  same  qualities  of  mind 


NEGRO  SLAVERY  23 

and  temperament,  the  same  weakness  of  char 
acter  and  the  same  strength,  the  same  resultant 
measure  of  failure  and  success;  some  rose  in  the 
social  scale  and  others  sank.  She  gave  freely  to 
some  and  sparingly  to  others,  as  their  case  might 
be.  But  whatever  the  fortune  of  the  recipient 
happened  to  be,  he  was  obliged  to  accept  it  sub 
missively.  No  effort  of  his  could  bring  it  under 
his  control.  In  this  valley,  as  everywhere  else, 
some  by  their  skill  and  industry  acquired  wealth, 
and  others,  no  matter  how  industrious  they  were, 
did  not.  David  Jones  was  among  the  former. 
His  lands  yielded  abundant  crops,  and  he  found 
profitable  markets  for  the  products  of  his  mines. 
The  labor  which  he  used  was  largely  slave  labor. 
Negro  slavery  had  been  introduced  into  the  Cones- 
toga  Valley  by  the  earliest  Welsh  settlers.  The 
slaves  came  direct  from  the  Congo  and  Senegam- 
bia  to  this  valley,  in  their  wild  and  savage  condi 
tion.  The  Welshmen  went  down  to  Philadelphia 
and  bought  them  out  of  the  cargo  on  shipboard. 
Their  descendants  continued  to  be  slaves  in  the 
valley,  and  were  bequeathed  or  sold  by  their  mas 
ters  until  slavery  in  Pennsylvania  became  extinct. 
In  all  the  wealthier  households  two  or  three  of 
them  were  to  be  found  as  domestic  servants. 
Others  worked  on  the  farms,  in  the  forges,  and  in 
the  mines,  but  chiefly  on  the  farms,  for  though 
mining  and  the  manufacture  of  iron  were  carried 
on  in  the  valley,  by  far  the  chief  business  there 
was  the  tilling  of  the  soil.  A  descendant  of  one 


24  The  LIFE  of  J.  CLANCY  JONES 

of  these  slaves,  "old  black  Fred,"  was  for  many 
years  the  faithful  sexton  of  old  Bangor  Church, 
and  is  now  buried  with  his  people  in  a  forgotten 
burying-ground  on  Welsh  Mountain. 

At  the  time  David  Jones  purchased  his  upper 
plantation  in  the  Conestoga  Valley,  it  lay  in  Lan 
caster  County,  which  had  been  formed  out  of  the 
original  county  of  Chester  in  1729,  six  years  before 
David  Jones  left  the  "Welsh  Tract."  Seventeen 
years  after  he  made  his  purchase,  in  1752,  the  pro 
vincial  authorities  laid  out  a  new  county,  called 
Berks,  which  had  for  its  county-seat  the  town  of 
Reading.  This  town  had  been  laid  out  three 
years  earlier  on  the  banks  of  the  Schuylkill,  four 
teen  miles  to  the  northward  of  David  Jones'  lands, 
by  Richard  Hockley  for  Richard  and  John  Penn. 
The  names  of  the  new  county-seat  and  the  new 
county  were  both  taken  from  a  town  and  county 
of  the  same  name  in  England  associated  with  the 
Penn  family,  and  though  the  town  was  laid  out 
three  years  before  the  county,  they  both  formed 
part  of  the  same  plan.  David  Jones'  lands  were 
included  in  the  new  county.  He  lived  in  the  Cones- 
toga  Valley  for  thirteen  years  before  the  town  of 
Reading  was  laid  out,  and  three  years  longer  be 
fore  the  new  county  was  formed.  It  was  not  until 
1751,  a  year  before  the  new  county  was  erected, 
that  the  highway  afterwards  known  as  the  "  Mor- 
gantown  Road"  was  opened  from  the  head-waters 
of  the  Conestoga  to  a  point  on  the  Schuylkill  op 
posite  the  new  town  of  Reading. 


LEADERS  25 

These  Welshmen  in  the  Conestoga  Valley,  of 
course,  as  is  the  case  in  all  communities,  had  their 
leaders.  Their  prosperity  was  not  due  alone  to 
the  fruitfulness  of  the  soil,  nor  to  the  wealth  in 
the  mines  beneath  it,  nor  yet  to  the  fact  of  their 
kinship  and  common  origin,  which  gave  to  their 
efforts  the  force  of  unity  and  cooperation.  They 
were  all  Welshmen,  to  be  sure,  and  there  was  some 
thing  in  their  personality  and  in  their  contact 
with  each  other  that  made  them  strong,  but  their 
prosperity  was  largely  due  to  the  strong  person 
ality  of  the  men  who  led  them,  who  guided  their 
steps  and  gave  direction  to  their  efforts.  Of  these 
leaders  the  names  of  but  few  are  now  familiar  to 
us.  There  may  have  been  others,  but  we  can  now 
recall  only  the  names  of  Nathan  Evans,  Thomas 
Morgan,  Gabriel  Davies,  Jacob  Morgan,  David 
Jones,  James  Old,  David  Jenkins.  As  a  people 
they  were  poetical  and  musical,  their  lives  were 
clean,  their  habits  simple,  their  thoughts  elevated 
by  their  close  contact  with  nature.  They  led 
tranquil,  uneventful  lives.  One  day  could  not  be 
distinguished  from  another.  Nothing  of  the  hurly- 
burly  disturbed  the  even  surface  of  their  pursuits. 
They  tilled  the  soil,  cared  for  their  stock,  washed 
the  sheep  in  the  creek,  and  sheared  them  on  its 
banks.  The  women  were  busy  with  the  distaff 
and  the  reel,  and  the  men  cut  their  fuel  on  the 
mountain.  They  had  little  time  for  recreation, 
but  the  sound  of  their  rifles  was  heard  in  the  woods 
of  the  Welsh  Mountain  and  "The  Forest."  They 


26  The  LIFE  of  J.  CLANCY  JONES 

hunted  the  game  and  the  wild  beasts  and  chased 
the  foxes  with  rustic  simplicity,  but  in  a  genuine 
way  that  involved  all  the  danger,  success,  skill, 
and  enthusiasm  of  true  sportsmanship. 

The  grander  nature  about  them  was,  in  some 
sense,  an  exponent  of  their  own  character.  The 
people  from  whom  these  Welshmen  were  descended 
were  a  religious  people,  in  whom  the  spirit  of  de 
votion  was  strong  and  dominant.  From  the  time 
of  their  early  Druid  ancestors,  the  Welsh  were 
noted  for  their  sound  moral  and  religious  prin 
ciples.  Solitude  made  them  grave,  contempla 
tive,  earnest.  It  brought  into  the  foreground 
their  inherited  piety,  their  strong  sense  of  reliance 
upon  their  religion.  Occasions  arose  when  they 
keenly  felt  the  want  of  its  ministrations.  They 
appealed  to  the  Bishop  of  London  for  them. 
When  they  could  not  be  obtained  from  their  own 
Church,  they  eagerly  accepted  them  from  the 
Quakers,  Presbyterians,  or  Anabaptists.  These 
sects,  though  they  had  no  churches  among  them, 
sent  out  their  missionaries  into  this  wilderness 
from  their  colleges  in  New  England  and  the  Jer 
seys.  There  were  no  clergymen  of  the  Church  of 
England  in  the  Province  of  Pennsylvania  before 
1700,  and  for  some  time  afterwards  there  were 
only  three.  These  were  Welshmen.  Occasion 
ally  a  missionary  of  the  Society  for  the  Propaga 
tion  of  the  Gospel  in  Foreign  Parts  came,  "  through 
the  woods,"  as  they  described  it,  to  minister  to 
them.  These  missionaries  in  their  long  journeys 


BANGOR  and  ST.  THOMAS'  CHURCHES     27 

were  often  in  want  of  the  common  necessaries  of 
life  in  the  daytime,  and  at  night  were  obliged  to 
content  themselves  with  a  lodging  under  the 
boughs  of  a  tree. 

As  the  dwellings  were  too  small,  the  services 
were  held,  in  the  Welsh  language,  under  the  spread 
ing  branches  of  the  trees.  Later,  as  they  were 
able,  they  built  their  little  churches  of  Bangor  and 
St.  Thomas,  and  even  the  poorest  among  them 
contributed  cheerfully  and  liberally  his  share  to 
ward  their  erection  and  support.  They  not  only 
built  their  churches,  but  they  built  them  well. 
The  true  religious  feeling  that  led  them,  as  their 
first  concerted  action,  to  provide  houses  in  which 
they  could  worship  God,  led  them  also  to  make 
those  houses  suitable  places  for  the  purpose.  Both 
Bangor  and  St.  Thomas'  churches  were  built  of 
stone  in  the  correct  taste  of  the  early  colonial 
period.  When  the  settlements  were  thinner  and 
the  reclaiming  of  the  land  from  its  wild  condition 
demanded  all  their  resources,  they  first  built  Ban 
gor  Church,  in  1728,  out  of  logs  that  had  been 
squared  with  an  adze,  and  called  it  after  the  dio 
cese  of  Bangor  in  Wales.  While  this  log  church 
was  standing,  in  1740  Thomas  Morgan  gave  to  it, 
by  his  will,  ninety-three  acres  of  land  lying  around 
the  church,  as  glebe  land.  This  land  was  leased 
by  the  church  to  tenants,  in  small  lots,  for  the 
term  of  ninety-nine  years,  and  these  tenants  from 
time  to  time  built  houses  upon  the  lots.  A  village 
thus  grew  up  around  the  church,  which  was  called 


28  The  LIFE  of  J.  CLANCY  JONES 

Churchtown,  after  the  church.  This  log  church 
stood  for  twenty-six  years.  In  1754  it  was  re 
placed  by  a  beautiful  specimen  of  an  English  coun 
try  church,  built  of  stone,  with  a  graceful  spire  and 
belfry.  The  interior  space  was  divided  into  high- 
backed  square  pews,  one  of  which  was  reserved 
for  the  " lords  of  the  manor."  There  were  galler 
ies  at  the  sides  and  end  and  a  sounding-board  over 
the  pulpit,  on  which  a  dove  with  outstretched 
wings  was  painted.  The  front  of  the  church  was 
of  cut  sandstone.  Thomas  Barton  wrote  in  1761 
that  the  congregation  was  larger  than  that  of  St. 
James'  Church,  Lancaster.  "The  families  be 
longing  to  this  church,"  he  said,  "are  between 
fifty  and  sixty,  all  of  Welsh  extraction."  He 
preached  there  in  summer,  sometimes  to  a  congre 
gation  of  five  hundred  persons.  David  Jones  and 
his  descendants  were  wardens  and  vestrymen  of 
this  church  from  the  earliest  times,  and  for  a 
period  that  covered  many  years. 

After  the  first  log  church  was  built,  and  called 
Bangor,  a  school-house  was  erected  near  it,  under 
the  management  of  the  church- wardens.  The 
Welsh  were  impressed  with  the  importance  of  edu 
cation.  Many  of  them,  like  David  Jones,  had 
come  from  enlightened  homes  in  Wales,  and  there 
were  those  among  them  who  were  capable  of  teach 
ing  the  young,  and  of  teaching  them  well,  in 
whom,  like  themselves,  the  spirit  of  adventure 
had  been  strong. 

The  settlement  of  this  part  of   Pennsylvania 


MORGANTOWN  29 

progressed  none  too  rapidly,  yet  it  had  advanced 
far  enough  in  1753  to  send  a  transportation  train 
of  one  hundred  and  fifty  wagons  to  Braddock 
without  feeling  the  loss. 

In  1765  another  little  Episcopal  church  was 
built  five  miles  further  up  the  valley  in  Berks 
County,  a  mission  or  sort  of  chapel  of  ease  of  Ban- 
gor  Church,  called  St.  Thomas',  and  around  it  was 
laid  out,  in  1779,  upon  a  more  pretentious  scale 
than  Churchtown,  another  village,  called  Morgan- 
town,  after  Thomas  Morgan,  one  of  the  earliest 
Welsh  settlers.  St.  Thomas'  Church  was  opened 
by  the  Rev.  Thomas  Barton  on  Sunday,  August 

i,  1765- 

In  the  course  of  time  those  who  first  came  into 
this  valley,  and  whose  names  will  forever  be  iden 
tified  with  it,  with  the  weight  of  years  upon  them 
were  laid  to  rest  in  the  little  churchyards  yonder 
that  hold  so  much  of  the  interest  that  still  lingers 
in  this  beautiful  landscape;  and  in  the  course  of 
time  their  descendants  followed  them.  Those  who 
now  pass  through  this  region  and  recall  them 
across  the  two  centuries  that  have  nearly  elapsed 
cannot  fail  to  be  impressed  by  their  manly  virtues, 
their  integrity  of  purpose,  the  courage  and  force  of 
character  that  enabled  them  to  solve  the  problems 
and  master  the  difficulties  that  confronted  them 
when  these  now  cultivated  fields  lay  before  them 
as  a  wild,  unbroken  wilderness. 

The  descendants  of  David  Jones  were  allied  by 
blood  with  most  of  the  prominent  families  that 


30  The  LIFE  of  J.  CLANCY  JONES 

were  identified  with  the  history  of  this  interesting 
valley.  Among  them  occur  the  names  of  Miles, 
Davies,  Morgan,  Lincoln,  Evans,  Jacobs,  and  Old. 
There  is  probably  no  spot  of  its  limited  area  in  the 
country  to  which  more  people  look  back  with 
affectionate  interest,  as  the  home  of  their  ances 
tors,  than  do  those  whose  privilege  it  is  to  be  de 
scended  from  the  strong  stock  that  settled  the 
Conestoga  Valley. 


CHAPTER   III. 

The  Indians  in  the  Conestoga  Valley. 

THE  valley  of  the  Conestoga  was  the  favored 
home  of  the  Indian  when  the  Welshmen 
came  there,  and  they  continued  to  share 
it  with  him  for  many  years.  The  new  settlers 
retained  the  name  the  Indians  had  given  to  the 
stream — Conestoga,  " Crooked  Creek."  The  tribe 
that  had  its  villages  in  the  valley  was  known  far 
and  wide  under  the  name  of  the  "Conestoga  In 
dians."  They  were  a  sub-tribe  of  the  Delawares, 
and  acknowledged  allegiance  to  the  Six  Nations, 
with  whom  they  were  constantly  in  communica 
tion  and  accord. 

The  ploughs  of  the  Welshmen  continued  for 
many  years  to  turn  up  in  the  valley  stone  arrow 
heads,  axes,  and  other  Indian  implements  which 
bore  witness  to  the  presence  of  the  Indians  there 
in  their  stone  age.  Their  villages  consisted  of 
cabins  built  closely  together  along  narrow  streets. 
Here  they  planted  their  corn  in  the  fertile  soil  of 
the  valley,  and  crushed  it  into  meal  with  their 
primitive  pestle  and  mortar  of  stone.  Here  also 
they  grew  the  tobacco  which  they  smoked  in  their 
pipes  of  soapstone  and  reed.  The  white  man  was 
no  stranger  to  them,  though  he  had  not  settled 

31 


32  The  LIFE  of  J.  CLANCY  JONES 

in  this  remote  valley  before  the  Welshmen  came. 
More  than  half  a  century  earlier  the  ancestors  of 
these  Indians  had  carried  their  beaver-skins  down 
to  the  Dutch  and  Swedish  trading-posts  at  the 
mouth  of  the  Schuylkill,  where  they  were  known 
as  Minquas;  and  a  Swedish  missionary,  the  Rev. 
Jonas  Auren,  had  labored  among  them  in  the  ear 
liest  years  of  the  eighteenth  century.  It  was  not 
the  fault  of  the  Indian  if  he  had  not  always  lived 
on  terms  of  friendly  intercourse  with  the  whites. 
He  welcomed  them  when  they  came,  dealt  fairly 
with  them,  and  sold  them  his  lands  for  a  few 
trinkets.  He  was  more  sinned  against  than  sin 
ning.  A  Dutch  preacher  on  the  Delaware  ex 
pressed  his  sense  of  the  injustice  that  had  been 
done  by  the  whites  to  the  Indian,  by  saying  that 
he  dreaded  to  meet  him  face  to  face  in  Heaven. 

As  yet  they  were  the  same  magnificent  creatures 
of  the  forest  that  roamed  these  wilds  before  the 
Dutch  and  the  Swedes  came,  on  whom  these  Welsh 
men  must  have  looked  with  unfeigned  admiration 
—straight,  alert,  graceful,  fleet  of  foot,  and  of  in 
exhaustible  endurance.  Their  blood  was  still 
enriched  by  the  game  which  nature  had  provided 
for  them  with  lavish  hand.  Governor  Oglethorpe, 
who  knew  them  in  their  prime,  declared  that  the 
North  American  Indians  were  the  finest  speci 
mens,  intellectually,  physically,  and  morally,  of 
any  people  the  world  had  ever  seen,  and  that  they 
lacked  only  Christianity  to  make  them  perfect. 

But  their  decline  had  already  begun  when  they 


INDIAN  RESERVATION  33 

exchanged  their  romantic  bow  and  arrow  for  the 
rifle ;  when  they  decorated  themselves  with  the  aid 
of  the  looking-glasses  they  got  from  the  Dutch, 
instead  of  looking  over  the  banks  into  their  limpid 
pools  of  water;  when  they  substituted  the  slug 
gishness  of  the  hook  and  line  for  the  alertness  and 
skill  with  which  they  speared  their  fishes;  when 
they  exchanged  their  fur  and  feather  mantles  for 
the  gay  duffels  made  in  Holland;  when  they 
learned  that  the  wild  excitements  of  their  active 
life  could  be  simulated,  after  a  fashion,  by  the 
"  fire- water"  which  the  Dutch  and  Swedes  gave 
them.  A  drunken  Indian  did  not  make  a  pictu 
resque  ruin. 

After  Penn  had  made  his  treaty  with  the  In 
dians,  the  Province  provided  a  reservation  for  the 
Conestogas,  of  about  five  hundred  acres,  near 
where  the  creek  flows  into  the  Susquehanna  River. 
Here  the  Province  substituted  its  paternal  care 
for  the  bounty  of  nature,  and  with  the  change  the 
Indian  lost  much  of  the  splendor  that  was  his 
when  he  was  the  ward  of  the  wilderness.  In 
recent  years  the  fatigues  of  the  hunt  had  been  en 
dured  not  only  for  sport  or  for  the  necessaries  of 
life,  but  in  order  that  they  might  have  the  peltries 
to  exchange  with  the  white  trader  for  the  articles 
of  civilization  that  he  had  to  offer  them. 

They  lived  a  simple  and  romantic  life  on  this 
reservation  for  sixty  years,  measuring  the  flight 
of  time  by  the  recurrence  of  the  seasons,  the  new 
moon,  and  the  rising  and  setting  of  the  sun,  hunt- 

VOL.  1—3 


34  The  LIFE  of  J.  CLANCY  JONES 

ing  in  the  Welsh  Mountain,  the  Blue  Ridge,  and 
the  distant  Alleghanies,  selling  their  furs  and  their 
deer  and  beaver  skins  to  the  Indian  trader,  and 
eating  their  game  in  peace  and  contentment.  They 
referred  to  Penn's  treaty  with  their  ancestors  as  a 
"  chain  which  was  still  preserved,  strong  and 
bright,"  and  hoped  that  it  might  always  be  so 
"  while  the  Great  Spirit  rules  in  heaven  and  earth, 
and  while  the  water  flows,  and  the  sun  shines  in 
the  heavens."  Voltaire  truly  spoke  of  this  treaty 
as  the  only  compact  that  had  never  been  sworn  to 
and  never  broken.  When  their  allies,  the  Six 
Nations,  swept  the  valley  of  the  Susquehanna 
with  their  cruel  massacres  during  the  Seven  Years' 
War,  these  Conestoga  Indians  remained  peaceably 
upon  their  reservation,  and  so  this  little  valley 
escaped  the  atrocities  of  that  war.  It  stands  to 
their  credit  as  an  enduring  monument  of  their 
honor  and  fidelity. 

More  than  that,  these  Conestoga  Indians  were 
often  a  peaceful  element  in  a  very  disturbing  con 
dition  of  affairs.  Always  peaceable  themselves, 
they  exercised  a  restraining  and  conservative  in 
fluence  upon  restless,  aggressive,  and  less  friendly 
tribes.  Their  reservation  furnished  a  neutral 
place  where  the  chiefs  of  other  tribes,  who  would 
not  go  to  Philadelphia,  were  willing  to  assemble 
and  hold  their  conferences  with  the  leaders  of  the 
whites.  They  occupied  a  middle  position  be 
tween  the  Southern  Indians  and  the  Six  Nations 
to  the  north.  Many  council-fires  were  lighted 


COUNCIL  FIRES  35 

upon  this  reservation,  around  which  were  assem 
bled  from  time  to  time  the  great  chiefs  of  the  Six 
Nations  and  other  leading  tribes  of  the  continent, 
as  well  as  the  governors  and  councillors  of  the 
Province.  At  these  councils  important  differences 
with  and  between  the  Indians  were  adjusted. 
Many  treaties  were  made  there  and  belts  of  wam 
pum  exchanged  with  all  the  dignity  and  formal 
ceremonies  of  these  romantic  and  imaginative 
people.  The  rivalry  and  aggressions  of  the  South 
ern  Indians  occasionally  led  their  young  men  into 
war  with  them,  and  sometimes  they  were  reluc 
tantly  drawn  into  the  wars  between  the  more  dis 
tant  tribes,  but  generally  their  pursuits  were 
peaceful. 

Their  numbers  were  gradually  diminished  by 
these  wars.  When  their  old  queen  died  and  the 
old  warriors  were  succeeded  by  a  new  generation, 
a  number  of  their  young  men,  who  fretted  under 
the  monotony  of  the  reservation,  moved  off  into 
wilder  regions  upon  which  the  white  settlements 
had  not  as  yet  relentlessly  encroached.  As  time 
went  on,  still  others  were  crowded  out  by  the  in 
creasing  population  of  the  Conestoga  Valley. 
Finally,  when  the  killing  of  deer  was  prohibited, 
the  more  active  were  obliged  to  seek  new  hunting- 
grounds  where  they  might  follow  without  restraint 
their  wild  pursuits.  So  the  once  powerful  and 
influential  tribe  of  the  Conestogas  gradually  be 
came  a  memory  of  the  past. 

At  the  time  of  the  French  and  Indian  War  (i  754) 


36  The  LIFE  of  J.  CLANCY  JONES 

the  Six  Nations  were  the  active  allies  of  the  French, 
who  were  in  possession  of  all  the  territory  back  of 
the  fringe  of  English  provinces  along  the  coast. 
Supported  by  this  alliance,  these  Indians,  in  vio 
lation  of  their  treaties  and  grants  to  Penn,  overran 
the  back  country  along  the  Susquehanna  and 
massacred  the  white  settlers  there  without  mercy. 
These  frontier  settlements  were  never  entirely 
free  in  those  days  from  the  cruel  attacks  of  these 
roaming  Indians.  After  Braddock's  defeat  the 
country  west  of  the  Susquehanna  was  overrun  by 
them.  Their  cruelties  continued,  with  more  or 
less  severity,  for  many  years.  The  scattered 
clearings  which  the  white  men  had  made  in  that 
wild  outlying  wilderness  had  few  intervals  of  peace. 
They  were  entirely  at  the  mercy  of  their  stealthy 
enemies.  Not  one  in  twenty  of  the  settlers  had 
a  gun,  and  their  cabins  were  not  even  protected 
by  a  lock  or  bolt  on  the  door.  They  lived  in  a 
constant  state  of  fear.  The  slightest  noise,  even 
the  barking  of  a  dog,  would  wake  them  in  the  night 
and  fill  their  minds  with  terror.  Their  nerves 
were  in  such  a  shattered  condition  that  they  fled 
from  their  homes  upon  the  slightest  alarm. 

These  Indian  massacres  were  particularly  severe 
in  the  valley  of  the  Juniata  in  1763.  When  the 
danger  was  removed,  the  horror  of  these  atroc 
ities  naturally  filled  the  minds  of  the  survivors 
with  violent  hatred  toward  every  creature  in  the 
form  of  an  Indian,  and  with  a  burning  desire  for 
revenge.  In  this  frame  of  mind  their  attention 


The  PAXSON   MASSACRE  37 

was  turned  to  the  remnant  of  the  peaceful  tribe 
that  remained  on  the  Conestoga  reservation.  An 
armed  body  of  horsemen,  known  as  the  "  Paxson 
boys,"  rode  down  from  these  back  counties  and 
brutally  massacred  all  the  Indians  they  found 
there,  without  any  provocation,  except  that  they 
belonged  to  the  same  savage  race  at  whose  hands 
their  neighbors  had  suffered.  But  a  small  rem 
nant  remained  on  the  reservation.  Some  of  them 
worked  in  the  forge.  Some  were  out  through  the 
valley  selling  their  baskets  and  brooms,  and  ren 
dering  such  services  to  their  white  neighbors  as 
they  were  accustomed  to  perform.  When  the 
news  of  the  murders  reached  them,  their  white 
friends  tried  to  secure  protection  for  them  by  shut 
ting  them  up  in  the  jail  at  Lancaster,  but  the  same 
armed  band  pursued  them  there,  and  they  suffered 
the  fate  of  their  kinsmen  on  the  reservation.  Thus 
the  last  remnant  of  the  Indians,  who  for  so  many 
years  had  been  familiar  figures  every  day  along 
the  creek,  disappeared  from  the  Conestoga  Valley. 
This  was  known  throughout  the  country  as  the 
"Paxson  Massacre." 

The  vacant  reservation  was  afterwards  handed 
over  to  the  Rev.  Thomas  Barton  as  glebe  land  for 
St.  James'  Church,  Lancaster,  and  ten  years  later, 
when  he  took  refuge  within  the  British  lines  at 
New  York,  the  reservation  was  taken  possession 
of  by  the  State. 


CHAPTER  IV. 

The  children  of  David  and  Elizabeth  Jones — Major  John  Jones — 
Colonel  Jonathan  Jones — His  career — Caleb  Jones,  Esquire — 
Marriage  of  Jonathan  Jones — John  Davies — His  home  in  Cumru 
Township — Breaking  out  of  the  Revolution — Jehu  Jones — Owen 
Glancy — The  Pawling  family — The  War  of  1812 — English 
scholars  in  the  Conestoga  Valley — Changes  in  the  Conestoga 
Valley. 

DAVID  and  Elizabeth  Jones  had  six  children : 
John,  Jonathan,  Caleb,  Margaret,   Eliza 
beth,  and   Mary.     The   second   of  them, 
Jonathan,  was  the  grandfather  of  the  subject  of 
this  biography. 

John,  the  eldest  son,  became  a  member  of  the 
first  Committee  of  Safety  of  Berks  County,  Penn 
sylvania,  in  1774,  and  was  first  a  captain  and  after 
wards  a  major  in  Grubb's  battalion  of  "Associ- 
ators,"  raised  late  in  1776  for  service  in  the  Jerseys 
while  the  Continental  army  was  engaged  in  active 
operations  around  New  York.  The  third  son, 
Caleb,  was  a  justice  of  the  peace,  an  office  of  dig 
nity  and  importance  in  those  early  days  when 
offices  were  few,  and  held  only  by  those  whose 
position  in  the  community  was  one  of  recognized 
prominence.  Jonathan,  the  second  son,  became 
the  most  distinguished  of  the  three.  These  three 
brothers,  who  were  among  the  most  prominent 
residents  of  the  Conestoga  Valley  in  their  day,  lie 

38 


COL.  JONATHAN  JONES  39 

buried,  with  their  kindred,  in  the  churchyard  of 
old  Bangor  Church,  on  the  east  side  of  the  walk 
leading  from  the  gateway  through  the  church 
yard  to  the  door  of  the  old  church.  Two  sedate 
cedar  trees,  that  had  outlived  more  than  one 
generation  of  worshippers  within  this  church, 
stood  like  sentinels  on  either  side  of  this  gateway, 
and,  no  doubt,  stand  there  still. 

Jonathan  Jones  was  born  on  his  father's  estate 
in  Caernarvon  Township,  Berks  County,  Penn 
sylvania,  in  November,  1738,  forty-one  years  be 
fore  the  village  of  Morgantown  was  laid  out.  He 
was  twenty-five  years  old  when  the  news  of  the 
"  Paxson  Massacre"  startled  the  people  of  the 
valley  as  nothing  had  ever  startled  them  before. 
In  his  infancy  Welsh  was  still  the  language  spoken 
in  his  father's  household.  It  was  the  first  lan 
guage  with  which  he  became  familiar.  The  nur 
sery  tales  he  heard  were  the  same  that  had  been 
told  in  Wales  for  centuries.  As  soon  as  he  was 
able  to  understand,  his  mother  read  to  him  out 
of  her  Welsh  Bible. 

In  his  twenty-second  year  Jonathan  Jones  was 
married  (May  2,  1760)  by  the  Rev.  Thomas  Bar 
ton  to  Margaret  Davies,  daughter  of  John  and 
Mary  Davies.  John  Davies  was  the  grandson  of 
William  Davies  of  Radnor,  of  whom  we  have 
spoken  in  a  preceding  chapter.  From  him,  there 
fore,  the  subject  of  this  biography  traces  his  de 
scent  through  both  the  male  and  the  female  line. 
John  Davies  was  one  of  those  Welshmen  who  in 


40  The  LIFE  of  J.  CLANCY  JONES 

1738,  after  all  the  lands  in  the  Conestoga  Valley 
had  been  taken  up,  made  their  way  through  "The 
Forest"  to  the  fertile  valley  of  the  Schuylkill,  and 
settled  in  what  has  since  been  known  as  Cumru 
Township,  Berks  County.  The  tract  of  land  which 
John  Davies  bought  lay  three  miles  back  from  the 
river,  in  the  unbroken  wilderness.  The  nearest 
towns  were  Lancaster  and  Lebanon,  and  the  only 
highway  through  the  country  ran  from  the  Welsh 
settlements  on  the  Tulpehocken  to  Philadelphia, 
across  a  ford  of  the  Schuylkill  and  along  what 
afterwards  became  the  main  street  in  Reading. 
This  highway  has  since  been  known  as  the  "  Per- 
kiomen  Turnpike."  It  was  not  until  ten  years 
later  that  the  town  of  Reading  was  laid  out  at  the 
foot  of  the  mountain,  on  the  other  side  of  the 
Schuylkill.  Margaret  Davies,  who,  when  she  grew 
up,  was  known  among  her  acquaintances  as  "  pret 
ty  Peggy  Davies,"  was  two  years  old  when  her 
father  built  his  house  of  logs  upon  the  virgin  soil 
of  this  new  country.  In  the  course  of  time  he  re 
placed  this  log  cabin  with  a  substantial  mansion 
of  red  sandstone.  This  house  is  still  standing, 
and  bids  fair  to  stand  for  many  years  to  come  as  a 
connecting  link  between  those  remote  times  and 
the  future.  His  estate  was  known  by  the  name 
of  "  Angelica,"  and  in  1777  became  the  home  of 
General  Thomas  Mifnin,  afterwards  for  many  years 
Governor  of  Pennsylvania.  In  1824  it  was  pur 
chased  by  the  county  of  Berks,  and  has  since  been 
used  as  the  almshouse  farm.  It  is  situated  in  a 


ANGELICA  41 

rich  and  beautiful  country  whose  little  valleys  lie 
among  the  broken  hills  of  the  South  Mountain 
range,  through  which  the  Schuylkill  winds  and 
turns  in  almost  every  direction,  forming  loops 
around  the  fertile  lowlands  and  washing  the  base 
of  the  rugged  mountains  that  rise  on  the  other 
side.  One  finds  there,  from  different  points  of 
view,  the  most  varied  and  enchanting  forms  of 
natural  scenery. 

Yielding  to  the  wishes  of  his  young  wife,  whose 
home  ties  were  strong,  Jonathan  Jones  purchased 
from  his  father-in-law  one  hundred  and  seventy 
acres,  part  of  the  "Angelica''  tract,  in  order  that 
she  might  be  near  her  old  home.  On  this  tract 
they  lived  for  two  or  three  years.  A  change, 
however,  had  been  gradually  going  on  in  the  popu 
lation  of  the  township.  The  Germans,  who  had 
settled  in  great  numbers  on  the  other  side  of  the 
Schuylkill,  began  to  cross  over  into  Cumru,  and  it 
was  not  many  years  before  the  Welsh  were  sup 
planted  by  them  altogether.  Already  much  land 
in  the  vicinity  of  " Angelica"  had  passed  from 
the  original  Welsh  settlers  into  the  possession  of 
these  thrifty  Germans,  and,  following  the  drift  of 
the  movement,  John  Davies  and  Jonathan  Jones 
also  sold  their  lands  to  German  purchasers  and  left 
the  township.  The  former  went  west  into  West 
moreland  County,  and  Jonathan  Jones  returned 
to  his  old  home  in  the  Conestoga  Valley.  There 
he  bought  a  large  farm  above  St.  Thomas'  Church, 
upon  which  he  built  a  stone  colonial  house,  after 


42  The  LIFE  of  }.  CLANCY  JONES 

the  design  of  the  old  dwellings  that  are  to  be  found 
so  frequently  in  the  prosperous  agricultural  dis 
tricts  of  eastern  Pennsylvania.  The  house  is 
still  standing,  and  continues  to  be  associated  with 
his  name.  Here  he  lived  the  life  of  a  country 
gentleman,  engaged  in  the  management  of  his 
estate,  and  indulging  in  the  sports  and  pastimes 
of  the  neighborhood. 

While  he  was  thus  engaged,  the  active  move 
ments  of  the  Revolution  began.  The  warlike 
spirit  of  his  Welsh  ancestors  was  at  once  aroused 
in  him.  With  the  same  high  sense  of  the  duty 
of  the  citizen  to  his  country  that  actuated  so  many 
patriots  in  this  great  crisis  of  her  history,  he  at 
once  raised  a  company  of  "  Associators "  (as  the 
"minute-men"  of  that  section  were  called)  from 
among  the  inhabitants  of  the  valley  and  the  hardy 
men  in  the  back  settlements  of  "The  Forest." 

The  old  fiery  spirit  of  resistance  to  English  ag 
gression  that  had  burned  so  brightly  in  the  breasts 
of  the  people  of  Wales  during  its  long  and  repeated 
wars  with  England  now  broke  out  afresh  in  their 
descendants  in  the  Conestoga  Valley.  So  strongly 
did  this  feeling  assert  itself,  that  when  the  Rev. 
Thomas  Barton,  for  whom  they  had  the  warmest 
regard  and  affection,  insisted  upon  reading  the 
prayers  for  the  King  and  royal  family  at  the  church 
services,  they  made  it  necessary  for  him  to  close 
Bangor  and  St.  Thomas'  churches  in  order  to  pre 
vent  those  sacred  places  from  becoming  the  scenes 
of  violence  and  disorder ;  and  he  was  obliged  to  con- 


CANADA  CAMPAIGN  43 

tinue  his  ministrations  to  the  people  in  their  homes, 
as  he  himself  writes. 

When  Congress  organized  the  Continental  army, 
Jonathan  Jones  was  among  the  very  first  to  re 
ceive  a  commission  as  captain  in  the  First  Bat 
talion  of  the  Pennsylvania  line.  His  commis 
sion  was  dated  October  27,  1775.  Leaving  his 
wife  and  family  of  small  children,  he  marched  his 
company  down  to  Philadelphia.  There  they  were 
quartered  in  what  was  known  as  the  "  British 
Barracks,"  then  situated  where  the  Northern 
Liberties  Public  School  now  stands,  at  Third  and 
Buttonwood  streets.  While  there  they  did  garri 
son  duty,  mounting  guard  daily  at  the  State  House 
and  guarding  the  public  stores,  until  January, 
1776,  when  they  were  ordered  to  reinforce  the 
remnant  of  Montgomery's  army  before  Quebec. 
Captain  Jonathan  Jones  began  his  long  march  of 
six  hundred  miles  with  his  company  of  eighty- 
three  men  on  January  23,  1776.  This  march,  in 
midwinter,  lay  through  the  wilderness  and  over 
the  frozen  lakes.  He  arrived  before  Quebec  to 
wards  the  end  of  March.  His  command  took 
part  in  the  siege  of  that  place  during  the  rigors  of  a 
Canadian  winter;  and  in  the  precipitate  retreat 
which  followed,  in  May,  he  returned,  at  great  per 
sonal  risk,  and  secured  valuable  papers  that  had 
been  left  behind.  He  was  with  General  Arnold 
in  his  pursuit  of  the  British  after  the  battle  of 
"The  Cedars,"  and  took  a  conspicuous  and  gallant 
part  in  the  battle  of  Three  Rivers,  June  8,  1776. 


44  The  LIFE  of  J.  CLANCY  JONES 

He  shared  the  privations  and  great  suffering  of  the 
army  in  its  subsequent  retreat  to  Ticonderoga, 
and  was  promoted,  for  distinguished  services,  to 
the  rank  of  major,  October  25,  1776.  He  was  in 
strumental  in  persuading  his  troops  to  remain  at 
Ticonderoga  after  their  term  of  service  had  ex 
pired,  until  General  Carleton  had  raised  the  siege 
and  retreated  with  the  British  army  to  Canada. 
He  was  then  ordered  to  reinforce  Washington's 
army  on  the  Delaware,  and  participated  in  the 
attack  on  Trenton,  December  26,  1776.  He  was 
commissioned  lieutenant-colonel  March  12,  1777, 
and  after  the  resignation  of  Colonel  Irvine  was  in 
command  of  his  regiment,  which  was  stationed  in 
Philadelphia  and  at  the  upper  ferries  of  the  Dela 
ware. 

Though  only  thirty-nine  years  of  age,  and  of 
robust  constitution,  his  health  was  so  shattered  by 
the  campaign  in  Canada  that  he  was  stricken  with 
paralysis  in  the  summer  of  1777,  which  compelled 
him  to  resign  his  commission.  He  had  sacrificed 
himself  for  the  welfare  of  his  country.  He  had 
done  his  part  toward  the  throwing  off  of  the  heavy 
hand  of  oppression  which  the  British  laid  upon  the 
people  of  the  colonies  in  those  trying  days.  He 
held  out  until  his  powers  of  endurance  were  ex 
hausted,  and  then  he  submitted  patiently  to  the 
arbitrament  of  fate. 

It  was  a  source  of  deep  regret  to  him  that  the 
illness  he  had  contracted  in  the  service  prevented 
him  from  leading  his  regiment  in  the  battles  of 


The  PAWLING  FAMILY  45 

Brandywine  and  Germantown  a  few  months  later. 
His  place  had  not  been  filled.  Under  the  com 
mand  of  his  subordinate,  Major  Williams,  the 
regiment  took  a  gallant  part  and  sustained  heavy 
losses  in  both  those  engagements.  Colonel  Jones 
afterwards  sufficiently  recovered  to  become  a  com 
missioner  under  the  test  laws,  a  member  of  the 
Pennsylvania  Assembly,  and  lieutenant-colonel 
of  the  Berks  County  militia.  He  died  September 
26,  1782. 

Eleven  children  were  born  of  the  marriage  be 
tween  Jonathan  and  Margaret  Jones,  of  whom 
Jehu,  the  tenth  child,  was  the  father  of  J.  Glancy 
Jones.  Jehu  Jones  was  born  at  the  family  home 
stead  above  St.  Thomas'  Church  January  24,  1778, 
after  his  father  had  returned  from  his  arduous 
Canada  campaign,  and  spent  his  entire  life  as  a 
gentleman  of  leisure  in  the  Conestoga  Valley.  He 
was  a  man  of  intelligence,  received  a  liberal  edu 
cation,  and  was  prepared  for  the  bar,  though  he 
never  practised  his  profession.  He  married  (April 
13,  1800)  Sarah  Glancy,  the  daughter  of  Owen 
Glancy,  a  graduate  of  Trinity  College,  Dublin, 
who  came  into  the  valley  to  teach  school,  at  the 
instance  of  the  Rev.  Thomas  Barton,  whose  friend 
he  was.  Owen  Glancy  married  Elizabeth  Pawl 
ing,  of  the  well-known  family  of  that  name 
that  had  been  prominent  in  eastern  Pennsyl 
vania  from  the  time  Henry  and  Jan  Pawling 
came  down  from  New  York  into  Philadelphia 
County  in  1720. 


46  The  LIFE  of  J.  CLANCY  JONES 

When  the  Secretary  of  War  made  a  requisition 
for  additional  troops  in  1814,  Jehu  Jones,  with  the 
creditable  military  career  of  his  father  as  an  ex 
ample  before  him,  enlisted  at  the  age  of  thirty- 
six  in  the  company  of  George  Hetzelberger,  and 
marched  with  this  company  to  York,  Pennsyl 
vania,  where  they  were  assigned  with  the  other 
companies  of  Colonel  Lutz's  battalion  to  the  divi 
sion  of  General  Nathaniel  Watson.  From  York 
the  march  was  continued  to  Baltimore,  where  they 
took  part  in  the  military  movements  in  the  neigh 
borhood  of  that  place  in  the  fall  of  1814.  Wash 
ington  had  just  been  taken  by  the  British  and 
the  public  buildings  burned.  The  company  of 
which  Jehu  Jones  was  a  member  was  mustered 
into  the  service  of  the  United  States  after  the 
British  had  been  repulsed  before  Baltimore,  and 
marched  toward  the  capital,  but  it  was  not  long 
before  active  hostilities  ceased,  and  the  commis 
sioners  appointed  to  draft  a  treaty  of  peace  as 
sembled  at  Ghent. 

These  Pennsylvania  volunteers  endured  great 
hardships  during  their  short  campaign.  The  sea 
son  was  wet  and  cold,  and  they  were  very  poorly 
equipped.  Called  suddenly  into  service  to  meet 
an  emergency,  the  Government  was  not  prepared 
to  provide  them  with  what  was  required  to  pro 
tect  them  against  cold  and  hunger.  Their  officers 
complained,  and  Governor  Snyder  addressed  to 
them  words  of  encouragement  and  sympathy, 
but  it  was  a  relief  to  them  when  their  country  no 


ENGLISH  SCHOLARS  47 

longer  needed  their  services  and  they  were  ordered 
back  to  York  and  honorably  discharged. 

Jehu  Jones  afterwards  taught  school  at  Mor- 
gantown.  He  was  one  of  the  later  school-masters 
of  the  Conestoga  Valley,  and  the  youth  of  the 
valley  of  that  generation  received  their  early 
education  from  him.  He  died  at  Morgantown, 
November  24,  1864,  at  the  advanced  age  of  eighty- 
six  years,  and  is  buried,  with  his  wife,  in  the  church 
yard  of  St.  Thomas '  Church. 

This  remote  little  valley  had  been  fortunate 
from  very  early  times  in  the  scholarly  and  accom 
plished  men  who  had  come  into  it  to  take  charge 
of  the  little  churches  of  Bangor  and  St.  Thomas 
and  to  teach  in  their  schools;  and  its  people  were 
not  slow  to  take  advantage  of  the  opportunities 
the  presence  of  these  English  scholars  among  them 
afforded.  The  fruits  of  this  association  were 
manifest  in  the  cultivation  that  graced  the  lives 
of  those  whose  careers  were  begun  and  ended 
there,  as  well  as  those  who  carried  these  early 
advantages  into  wider  fields  of  action.  In  study 
ing  the  history  of  this  unique  and  interesting  set 
tlement  and  its  people,  one  cannot  fail  to  realize 
the  influence  that  was  exercised  by  the  going  in 
and  out  among  them  of  such  men  as  Griffith 
Hughes,  the  first  rector  of  Bangor  Church,  a  Welsh 
man  who  was  born  in  Merionethshire,  a  graduate 
of  St.  John's  College,  Oxford;  as  Thomas  Barton, 
of  Trinity  College,  Dublin  (an  institution  of  learn 
ing  which  produced  nothing  but  scholars) ;  as 


48  The  LIFE  of  J.  CLANCY  JONES 

Traugod  Friedrich  Illing,  a  German  scholar  who 
spent  sixteen  years  in  the  cultivated  circles  of 
London,  and  was  ordained  a  priest  of  the  Church 
of  England  by  the  Bishop  of  London  in  1773;  to 
say  nothing  of  such  men  as  Joseph  Clarkson  and 
Levi  Bull,  who  were  their  successors. 

It  is  no  matter  of  surprise,  therefore,  that  when 
the  question  of  the  adoption  of  the  common  school 
system  was  presented  to  the  enlightened  people  of 
Caernarvon  Township  in  1834,  it  was  one  of  the 
two  districts  of  Berks  County  to  accept  it,  the 
other  being  the  borough  of  Reading. 

But  it  is  not  here  that  the  fruits  of  the  labors 
of  these  scholarly  men  are  now  to  be  found.  We 
must  seek  for  them  elsewhere.  This  little  valley, 
under  their  care,  became  a  nursery  of  strong  men 
who  were  to  contribute  to  the  building  up  of  the 
country  in  other  and  distant  fields.  But  few 
traces  of  the  scholarship  of  these  learned  men  are 
to  be  found  in  this  little  valley  to-day. 

A  great  many  changes  had  taken  place  in  the 
Conestoga  Valley  since  the  attention  of  the  reader 
was  first  called  to  it  in  this  narrative.  The  In 
dian,  who  had  been  the  daily  companion  of  the 
early  settler,  had,  as  we  have  seen,  disappeared. 
The  native  Welshmen  who  had  prepared  the  way, 
whose  energy  and  pertinacity  had  made  them  the 
masters  of  the  wilderness  and  its  great  resources, 
were  all  gone,  and  as  their  number  grew  less  and 
younger  generations  took  the  places  of  the  pioneers, 
the  ties  which  bound  this  little  Welsh  colony  in 


CHANGES  49 

Pennsylvania  to  old  Wales  beyond  the  sea  were 
gradually  weakened.  At  the  time  of  which  we 
are  writing,  there  was  very  little  of  that  strong 
Welsh  feeling  left.  As  generation  succeeded  gen 
eration,  those  who  were  born  here,  like  the  Welsh 
men  on  the  "  Welsh  Tract, "  became  more  and  more 
identified  with  their  native  Province,  its  interests, 
and  its  destiny.  They  were  proud  of  their  Welsh 
extraction,  but  they  were  primarily  Pennsylva- 
nians,  blended  with  the  little  band  of  colonists  who 
had  now  come  to  be  known  by  that  name.  At 
this  time  the  Welsh  language  was  no  longer  heard 
there.  Then  came  the  State,  and  then  the  Na 
tion.  The  sovereignty  of  Great  Britain  had  been 
thrown  off.  They  were  no  longer  colonists,  sub 
jects  of  the  Crown,  but  citizens  of  a  new  country, 
still  more  closely  attached  to  their  native  land  by 
their  sense  of  independence.  Two  wars  had  al 
ready  been  fought  with  the  mother  country,  and 
in  the  part  they  had  taken  in  them,  though  they 
were  fighting  for  the  maintenance  of  principles 
which  had  little  to  do  with  the  politics  of  the  old 
country,  there  was,  nevertheless,  a  trace  in  all 
their  impulses  of  the  same  feeling  which  animated 
their  Welsh  ancestors  in  their  old  wars  with  their 
Anglo-Saxon  enemies.  At  the  time  J.  Glancy 
Jones  first  saw  the  light  of  day  in  the  Conestoga 
Valley,  during  the  administration  of  James  Madi 
son,  the  Welsh  sentiment  which  had  once  had 
such  a  strong  hold  there  had  become  little  more 
than  a  tradition. 

VOL.  1—4 


CHAPTER  V. 

Birth  of  J.  Glancy  Jones — His  youth  in  the  Conestoga  Valley — 
Stage-coaches — Conestoga  wagons — Decline  of  the  Conestoga 
Valley — J.  Glancy  Jones  enters  Kenyon  College — His  life  and 
education  there — Completes  his  theological  studies  in  Cincin 
nati — Returns  to  Pennsylvania  on  horseback — Is  married  to 
Anna  Rodman — Returns  with  his  wife  to  Cincinnati — Their  long 
journey  from  Philadelphia  to  Cincinnati — Letters  from  the  Right 
Reverend  George  Washington  Doane,  Bishop  of  New  Jersey — 
Mr.  Jones  is  ordained  a  minister  of  the  Protestant  Episcopal 
Church — Resolution  of  the  vestry  of  Christ  Church,  Reading, 
Pennsylvania. 

OF  this  strong  stock,  at  the  foot  of  the  Welsh 
Mountain,  in  the  beautiful  valley  of  the 
Conestoga,  J.  Glancy  Jones  was  born,  on 
October  7,  1811,  eight  months  before  the  declara 
tion  of  the  second  war  with  Great  Britain.  When 
he  was  two  years  old,  his  father  marched  as  a  vol 
unteer  to  take  part  in  that  war.  He  was  eight 
years  old  when  his  grandmother,  the  widow  of 
Colonel  Jonathan  Jones,  died,  and  from  her  he  re 
ceived  much  of  that  valuable  care  and  interest 
which  are  so  important  to  the  young  in  the  early 
days  of  their  childhood. 

Morgantown  and  Churchtown  were  still  small, 
unimportant  villages  built  along  the  Conestoga 
Turnpike.     Though  his  later  life  was  spent  among , 
the  busiest  scenes,  in  the  most  crowded  places  of 
activity,  in  the  intellectual  contentions  of  his  pro- 

50 


CONESTOGA  WAGONS  51 

fession  and  the  deliberations  of  the  highest  halls 
of  legislation,  at  one  of  the  most  exclusive  courts 
of  Europe,  and  in  close  intercourse  with  the  lead 
ing  men  of  his  time,  it  was  here  in  the  seclusion  of 
this  remote  valley,  amid  its  simple  forms  of  life 
and  in  touch  with  nature  in  all  its  force  and  sub 
limity,  that  the  years  of  Mr.  Jones'  youth  were 
passed.  Communication  with  the  outside  world 
was  mainly  kept  up  over  the  stage  route,  by  means 
of  the  mail-coaches  which  ran  daily  through  Mor- 
gantown  to  and  fro  between  Lancaster  and  Phila 
delphia,  by  the  way  of  Phoenix ville.  Three  days 
in  the  week  these  stages  passed  through  Norris- 
town.  On  the  other  three  days  their  route  was 
through  the  Gulf  Mills  and  Valley  Forge. 

Trade  between  Philadelphia  and  the  interior 
was  carried  on  in  the  long  blue  Conestoga  wagons, 
built  high  at  the  ends  and  low  in  the  middle  and 
covered  with  heavy  white  canvas  spread  over  high 
arched  hickory  supports.  These  wagons  were 
drawn  by  two  or  three  span  of  horses  with  gay 
plumes  and  bells  at  their  heads,  and  were  skil 
fully  driven  by  teamsters  with  long  whips  and 
check-reins,  who  rode  the  near  wheel-horses.  It 
was  this  region  which  gave  its  name  to  these  wag 
ons,  by  means  of  which  for  so  many  years  the  in 
land  commerce  of  the  State  was  carried  on. 
These  picturesque  and  heavily  laden  conveyances 
moved  slowly  by  day  over  the  turnpike  in  long 
trains,  for  protection  against  robbery,  and  at  night 
filled  up  all  the  spaces  about  the  country  inns. 


52  The  LIFE  of  J.  CLANCY  JONES 

They  do  so  no  longer.  The  railroads  now  carry 
their  burdens. 

Before  Mr.  Jones  left  the  Conestoga  Valley,  its 
decline  had  already  begun.  With  the  introduc 
tion  of  anthracite  coal  the  charcoal  ovens  began 
to  disappear  from  the  mountains.  The  applica 
tion  of  steam  gradually  superseded  the  water- 
power  that  turned  the  wheels  of  the  mills  and 
forges.  More  convenient  lines  of  communication 
brought  other  agricultural  and  manufacturing 
districts  into  closer  contact  with  the  markets.  Im 
proved  means  for  the  manufacture  of  iron  found 
more  convenient  places  where  the  business  could  be 
more  profitably  carried  on.  Values  began  to  de 
cline.  The  march  of  improvement  had  not  come 
anywhere  near  this  once  prosperous  and  now  de 
serted  region.  It  has  been  left  there  with  its  his 
tory  and  its  great  natural  beauty  like  something 
whose  glory  belongs  to  the  past.  The  frugal  Men- 
nonite,  with  his  stoic  indifference  to  all  forms  of 
progress  and  his  contentment  with  the  bounteous 
returns  of  agriculture,  no  matter  where  they  are 
to  be  found,  now  occupies  the  fertile  farms  that 
were  once  the  homes  of  the  old  Welsh  inhabitants. 
The  two  villages  of  Morgantown  and  Churchtown 
are  pretty  much  as  they  were  half  a  century  ago, 
save  that  their  houses  have  a  desolate  expression 
about  them  that  suggests  the  absence  of  some  more 
important  tenant  who  has  long  since  gone. 

But  little  trace  of  the  early  Welsh  settlers  is  now 
to  be  found  in  this  district  of  which  they  were  at 


The  CLERGY  53 

one  time  the  sole  inhabitants;  but  they  have  not 
disappeared  because  they  have  been  supplanted 
by  reason  of  any  weakness  in  themselves,  or  be 
cause  of  the  existence  of  greater  strength  in  those 
that  came  after  them.  They  held  the  land  until  it 
had  yielded  its  utmost,  and  then,  with  the  growth 
of  larger  opportunities  elsewhere,  their  descend 
ants  separated  to  take  advantage  of  these  larger 
opportunities,  and  the  weaker  and  less  enterpris 
ing  came  in  to  occupy  what  they  had  left.  Yet 
no  great  change  has  taken  place  in  the  character 
of  the  country  itself.  What  was  rural  then  is 
rural  now.  Their  fulling-mills  and  their  forges 
have  disappeared,  but  the  husbandman  lives  there 
still.  Sections  of  the  primeval  forest  are  still 
standing.  Herds  of  cattle  still  graze  in  the  past 
ures.  The  ploughman  still  runs  his  furrows  in 
the  fields.  The  meadows  are  still  sweet  with  the 
fragrance  of  new-mown  hay,  and  the  land  still  has 
its  seasons  of  seed-time  and  harvest. 

In  early  days  the  highest  culture  in  the  Cone- 
stoga  Valley  was  to  be  found  in  the  clergy.  In 
all  matters  of  higher  education  their  voice  was  su 
preme.  They  were  always  consulted,  and  what 
they  advised  was  treated  with  great  consideration 
and  respect.  If  a  young  man  displayed  unusual 
mental  capacity,  if  he  was  studious  and  gave  indi 
cations  of  fitness  for  professional  life,  they  were 
likely  to  advise  that  he  enter  the  Church,  as  that 
had  been  the  preference  which  had  controlled  their 
choice,  and  his  friends  were  naturally  inclined  to 


54  The  LIFE  of  J.  CLANCY  JONES 

agree  with  them,  as  the  Church  was  by  far  the 
most  striking  form  of  professional  life  with  which 
they  were  familiar.  The  young  man  himself  had 
little  choice.  He  was  not  consulted. 

When  J.  Glancy  Jones  was  sixteen  years  old,  he 
was  prepared  for  college.  He  had  been  a  close 
student,  with  a  fondness  for  books,  a  tenacious 
memory,  an  eager  craving  for  knowledge,  and  a 
rare  faculty  of  acquiring  it.  The  momentous 
question  of  the  completion  of  his  education  and 
the  choice  of  his  profession  had  to  be  settled.  The 
selection  of  his  profession  turned  out  to  be  a  mis 
take,  an  accident,  but  at  that  time  it  was  thought 
best  to  prepare  him  for  the  Church.  His  youth 
made  him  largely  dependent  upon  the  judgment 
of  others,  but  it  is  by  no  means  certain  that  if  left 
entirely  to  himself  he  would  not  have  made  the 
same  choice.  He  was  of  a  devout  temperament. 
The  practice  of  medicine  offered  no  opportunities 
for  the  exercise  of  the  qualities  with  which  he  was 
especially  endowed.  He  had  probably  never  been 
in  a  court-room  in  his  life,  whilst  he  had  listened, 
year  after  year,  to  the  intellectual  discourses  of 
the  rectors  of  Bangor  and  St.  Thomas'  churches. 
His  people  had  always  lived  in  remote  places, 
much  to  themselves,  as  pretty  much  every  one 
lived  in  those  early  days  when  the  country  was 
thinly  settled  and  the  towns  were  small.  They 
were  not  professional  men,  though  in  later  years 
some  of  them  taught  school.  They  were  large 
land- owners,  tillers  of  the  soil,  and  iron-masters. 


KENYON  COLLEGE  55 

They  were  a  people  of  strong  piety  and  religious 
principles,  and  the  grandeur  of  the  scenery  amid 
which  their  lives  were  passed  was  calculated  to 
foster  their  sense  of  dependence  upon  the  God  of 
the  nature  that  was  so  near  to  them.  As  we  have 
seen,  Mr.  Jones'  great-grandfather  had  been  a  cler 
gyman  of  the  Church  of  England.  As  young 
Mr.  Jones'  faculties  developed  and  he  gave  promise 
of  intellectual  achievement,  his  friends  could  think 
of  nothing  better  for  him  than  the  sacred  calling 
his  ancestor  had  honorably  followed  among  the 
mountains  of  Wales. 

About  that  time  Philander  Chase,  one  of  the 
prominent  bishops  of  the  Episcopal  Church,  spent 
some  time  in  the  East  calling  attention  to  a  college 
he  had  just  founded  at  Gambier,  in  his  new  dio 
cese,  'way  back  in  the  woods  of  Ohio.  It  had  been 
built  with  funds  raised  chiefly  in  England,  and  was 
called  "  Kenyon  College,"  after  Lord  Kenyon,  who 
had  been  one  of  the  largest  contributors.  It  was 
distinctly  an  Episcopal  college,  organized  upon 
the  plan  of  Eastern  colleges,  with  Eastern  pro 
fessors,  chief  among  whom  was  Dr.  William  Spar 
row.  There  was  a  Department  of  Arts,  and  a  De 
partment  of  Theology,  and  it  was  hoped  that  the 
students  could  be  so  trained  during  their  course 
through  one  that  after  their  graduation  they  would 
be  inclined  to  enter  the  other.  After  due  delib 
eration,  it  was  determined  that  J.  Glancy  Jones 
should  complete  his  education  at  Kenyon  College. 

Ohio  did  not  seem  so  far  away,   as  an  elder 


56  The  LIFE  of  J.  CLANCY  JONES 

cousin,  John  D.  Jones,  ten  years  or  more  before 
had  gone  from  Morgantown  to  Cincinnati,  and 
was  then  a  prosperous  merchant  there.  At  Ken- 
yon  J.  Glancy  Jones  laid  the  foundations  of  a  ripe 
scholarship.  To  the  latest  day  of  his  life  it  was 
his  habit  to  read  the  New  Testament  in  the  orig 
inal  Greek.  While  at  Kenyon  he  was  a  diligent 
student,  took  a  prominent  part  in  the  Philomathe- 
sian  Literary  Society,  gave  some  attention  to 
music,  and  was  fond  of  athletics  and  out-door 
sports.  In  one  of  his  venturesome  exploits  he 
narrowly  escaped  death  by  drowning,  in  a  flood  of 
Kokosing  Creek.  During  his  youth  in  the  Cones- 
toga  Valley  Mr.  Jones  had  become  an  expert 
horseman,  and  prided  himself  upon  his  skill  as  a 
whip  and  in  driving  four-in-hand.  While  in  Cin 
cinnati,  in  1832,  he  purchased  a  horse  and  rode 
to  Philadelphia  across  the  Alleghanies,  a  distance 
of  seven  hundred  miles.  Accustomed  to  an  out 
door  life  and  at  home  in  the  saddle,  he  preferred 
that  mode  of  travelling  to  the  confinement  and 
discomfort  of  the  stage-coach  of  that  time. 

College  life  in  those  early  days  at  Kenyon  was 
not  attended  with  the  luxuries,  conveniences, 
and  extravagances  one  finds  to-day  in  the  large, 
modern  universities,  with  their  well-appointed 
dormitories  and  well-equipped  college  halls,  but 
it  had  what  is  much  needed  by  them,  the  close  in 
terdependence  of  college  life.  The  education 
acquired  there  was  quite  as  thorough  and  good- 
more  thorough,  perhaps,  by  reason  of  the  closer 


LIFE  at  KENYON  57 

individual  attention  each  of  the  boys  received. 
To  secure  an  education  at  Kenyon  meant  hard, 
single-minded,  strenuous  work,  without  the  diver 
sions  of  extravagant  living  or  the  enervation  of 
ease  and  comfort.  It  was  attended  with  many 
hardships  and  sacrifices.  The  new  buildings  at 
Gambier  and  their  appointments  were  better,  in 
many  respects,  than  those  of  the  first  establish 
ments  at  Worthington.  There  the  students  slept 
in  rudely  constructed  three-story  bunks,  three 
in  a  bunk,  on  loose  straw  mattresses.  They  took 
care  of  their  own  rooms  and  made  their  own  beds. 
Mrs.  Chase,  the  wife  of  the  Bishop,  took  a  maternal 
interest  in  them,  took  charge  of  their  clothing, 
and  supplied  many  of  the  tender  ministrations 
that  were  often  needed  by  them  when  depressed 
by  thoughts  of  their  distant  homes.  These  boys 
came  away  from  Kenyon  none  the  worse  for  the 
rough  experiences  of  their  simple  life  there,  and 
one  often  finds  their  names  written  conspicuously 
upon  the  pages  of  their  country's  history.  It  is 
quite  certain  that  no  college  graduate  ever  cher 
ished  warmer  feelings  for  his  alma  mater  than 
they  did  for  Kenyon.  It  is  the  only  American 
college  save  Harvard,  Yale,  and  Princeton  whose 
graduates  are  admitted  to  Oxford  and  Cambridge 
without  examination. 

Ohio  was  for  some  time  the  extent  of  the  move 
ment  toward  the  settlement  of  the  great  West. 
This  movement  rested  there  for  some  time  before 
it  pushed  further  out  into  the  prairies  beyond. 


58  The  LIFE  of  J.  CLANCY  JONES 

Cincinnati  was  then  the  "  Queen  City  of  the  West." 
It  was  the  metropolis  of  a  new  and  undeveloped 
country  where  everything  was  in  the  unseen 
future,  unappropriated,  and  equally  within  the 
reach  of  all.  The  possibilities  and  uncertainties 
that  the  future  of  that  new  country  held  gave  to  it 
an  interest  which  the  old  country  did  not  possess. 
The  search  for  fortune  there  had  the  zest  and  fas 
cination  about  it  that  chance  gives  to  everything— 
a  glittering  hope  of  success  which  there  was  nothing 
to  gainsay.  For  some  reason,  young  Mr.  Jones 
selected  Cincinnati  for  the  completion  of  his 
studies  in  theology.  We  find  him  there  for  that 
purpose,  at  the  age  of  twenty,  in  1831.  It  was  a 
beautiful,  substantially  built  town  of  seventeen 
thousand  inhabitants,  with  fine  public  buildings 
and  several  institutions  of  learning. 

In  the  following  year  Mr.  Jones  returned  to 
Pennsylvania  to  be  married.  It  was  upon  that 
occasion  that  he  took  his  long  ride  on  horseback 
from  Cincinnati  to  Philadelphia.  His  route  lay 
over  the  post-road  which  ran  through  Greensburg, 
Bedford,  Chambersburg,  Carlisle,  Harrisburg,  and 
Lancaster,  then  all  small  and  unimportant  places. 
He  was  married  on  June  23,  1832,  to  Anna  Rod 
man,  by  the  Rev.  G.  W.  Ridgely,  at  "Flushing," 
in  Bensalem  Township,  Bucks  County,  Pennsyl 
vania.  "Flushing"  had  been  the  home  of  her 
immediate  branch  of  the  Rodman  family  since 
1752,  and  was  then  the  residence  of  her  mother, 
the  widow  of  the  late  Hon.  William  Rodman. 


WILLIAM  RODMAN  59 

Mr.  Rodman  was  born  at  "Flushing"  October 
7,  1757,  and  died  at  the  place  of  his  birth  July  27, 
1824.  His  ancestors  had  been  prominent  in  the 
affairs  of  the  Colonies  from  the  earliest  times. 
Among  them  were  King's  councillors,  members 
of  Assembly,  and  officers  of  militia  in  the  early 
provincial  wars.  On  May  23,  1778,  before  he  be 
came  of  age,  he  took  the  affirmation  of  allegiance 
and  fidelity  to  the  State  of  Pennsylvania  directed 
by  the  Statute  of  1777,  and  for  this  act  he  was 
disowned  by  the  Society  of  Friends.  On  October 
4,  1781,  he  was  appointed  brigade  quartermaster 
upon  the  staff  of  Brigadier-General  Lacey,  with 
the  rank  of  captain,  and  served  until  the  militia 
were  disbanded,  shortly  before  the  close  of  the 
Revolutionary  War.  He  was  a  justice  of  the 
peace  for  Bucks  County  from  1791  to  1800,  which 
office  he  resigned  when  he  was  elected  to  the  Senate 
of  Pennsylvania.  He  remained  in  the  Senate 
four  years,  was  chairman  of  a  number  of  promi 
nent  committees,  and  presided  over  the  Senate  in 
committee  of  the  whole  upon  nearly  every  im 
portant  measure  considered  during  his  term.  He 
twice  received  a  large  vote  for  the  speakership. 
He  declined  a  reelection  to  the  Senate,  and  in  1810 
was  elected  a  member  of  Congress.  He  took  his 
seat  at  the  extra  session,  November  4,  1811.  Mr. 
Clay  spoke  of  this  session,  at  that  time,  as  "  the 
most  remarkable  in  the  annals  of  America."  His 
service  ended  with  the  Twelfth  Congress,  March 
3,  1813.  It  was  the  Congress  that  declared  war 


60  The  LIFE  of  J.  CLANCY  JONES 

against  Great  Britain.  In  1799  he  had  served  as 
captain  of  dragoons  in  the  service  of  the  United 
States,  for  the  suppression  of  the  "  Fries  Insur 
rection,"  in  Northampton  County,  Pennsylvania. 
He  was  a  Presidential  elector  in  1809,  and  cast  his 
vote  for  James  Madison. 

Immediately  after  their  marriage  Mr.  Jones  and 
his  wife  returned  to  Cincinnati,  where  they  re 
mained  until  1834.  One  can  now  get  into  a 
Pullman  car  at  Philadelphia  after  lunch,  dine  and 
sleep  comfortably  on  board  the  train,  and  wake 
up  the  next  morning  in  Cincinnati.  A  journey 
to  the  West  in  those  days  was  a  much  more  seri 
ous  undertaking.  Everything  was  done  with  less 
haste  then.  The  means  of  travel,  though  slow 
and  uncertain,  were  considered  good.  The  roads 
had  improved,  the  accommodations  of  the  steam 
boats  enlarged.  The  mail-coach,  which  was  about 
to  be  supplanted  by  the  railroad,  had  reached  a 
state  of  perfection  which  enabled  it  to  compete 
with  the  railroad  for  some  time.  The  coaches, 
which  were  built  in  Troy,  were  models  of  their 
kind,  the  relays  were  frequent,  the  horses  fine. 
The  winding  of  the  horn,  the  personality  of  the 
driver,  the  skilful  crack  of  his  whip,  the  closer 
contact  with  nature,  the  interest  in  the  rustic  in 
habitants,  all  gave  a  charm  to  this  manner  of 
travelling  which  has  since  been  lost. 

Mr.  Jones  and  his  wife  left  Arch  Street  Wharf, 
Philadelphia,  at  six  o'clock  in  the  morning,  in  the 
steamboat  "Ohio,"  and  steamed  down  the  Dela- 


JOURNEY  to  CINCINNATI  61 

ware  to  the  mouth  of  the  Delaware  and  Chesa 
peake  Canal.  Here  they  were  transferred  to 
barges  and  towed  through  the  canal.  At  Chesa 
peake  City,  on  the  Chesapeake,  they  took  the 
steamboat  "  Kentucky,"  and  arrived  in  Baltimore 
at  an  early  hour  the  same  afternoon.  From  Balti 
more  they  went  to  Frederick,  Maryland,  by  rail. 
From  Frederick  they  took  a  stage  over  the  Alle- 
ghany  Mountains  to  Brownsville,  on  the  Monon- 
gahela,  and  from  there  they  went  down  to  Pitts 
burgh  by  boat.  After  resting  at  Pittsburgh,  they 
took  a  stage  at  dawn  across  the  "  Pan-Handle" 
to  Steubenville.  Here  they  were  transferred  to 
another  steamboat,  and  descended  the  Ohio  River 
to  Wheeling.  It  was  a  season  of  the  year  when 
the  water  was  low,  and  the  boat  was  obliged  to 
proceed  slowly  and  cautiously.  It  was  nightfall 
when  they  reached  Wheeling,  and,  as  there  were 
no  lights  to  mark  the  channel,  they  tied  up  to  the 
wharf  there  for  the  night.  It  took  all  the  next 
day  for  the  boat  to  loiter  down  the  eighty  miles 
between  Wheeling  and  Marietta.  There  was  still 
a  long  distance  before  them  after  they  left  Mari 
etta,  down  the  sluggish,  winding  river,  but  it  had 
grown  wider  and  deeper,  and  the  boat  was  able 
to  increase  its  speed  and  to  keep  on  during  part 
of  the  short  night.  Mr.  Jones  and  his  wife  had 
been  able  to  make  so  much  of  their  long  journey 
in  comfortable  boats,  and  the  beautiful  scenery 
through  which  they  had  passed  was  often  so  wild 
and  stimulating,  that  they  reached  their  destination 


62  The  LIFE  of  J.  GLANCY  JONES 

on  the  ninth  of  July,  1832,  more  benefited  than  fa 
tigued  by  their  long,  varied,  and  leisurely  journey. 

During  Mr.  Jones'  residence  at  Cincinnati  his 
twin  children,  Esther  Rodman  and  William  Rod 
man,  were  born.  It  was  while  he  resided  there 
that  the  town  was  visited  with  its  terrible  epi 
demic  of  Asiatic  cholera. 

In  the  summer  of  1834  Mr.  Jones  returned  from 
Cincinnati  to  "  Flushing,"  the  home  of  his  mother- 
in-law,  Mrs.  Rodman,  and  while  there  his  daughter, 
Anna  Rodman,  was  born. 

When  Mr.  Jones  was  a  very  young  man,  he  was 
the  recipient  of  the  interest  and  warm  friendship 
of  Bishop  George  Washington  Doane,  of  New  Jer 
sey,  one  of  the  most  distinguished  bishops  of  the 
American  Church.  Mr.  Jones  thoroughly  appre 
ciated  and  reciprocated  this  friendship.  It  was 
never  weakened,  but  continued  as  long  as  Bishop 
Doane  lived.  In  order  to  show  its  constancy,  we 
are  tempted  to  anticipate  the  events  with  which 
this  history  is  concerned  by  inserting  here  the  fol 
lowing  letters  received  by  Mr.  Jones  from  Bishop 
Doane  at  different  periods  of  Mr.  Jones'  public 
life,  the  last  written  three  months  before  the 
Bishop's  death.  Shortly  after  Mr.  Jones  took  his 
seat  in  Congress,  he  received  the  following  note : 

RIVERSIDE,  9  December,  1852. 
MY  DEAR  JONES: 

I  should  have  thanked  you  before  now  for  your  kind 
letter,  but  I  have  been  absent  and  sick. 


BISHOP  DOANE  63 

I  write  now  the  more  readily  that  I  may  express  to 
you  my  pleasure  at  reading  your  name  to-day  on  the 
Committee  of  Ways  and  Means,  and  also  as  admitted 
to  the  Supreme  Court.  I  have  never  ceased  to  regard 
you  with  affection,  and  I  rejoice  at  all  your  prosperity. 
I  pray  God  to  continue  it  to  you,  and  to  make  it  a 
blessing  to  you  and  yours,  as  only  He  can. 
Your  faithful  friend, 

GEORGE  W.  DOANE. 

After  Mr.  Buchanan's  election  to  the  Presidency, 
he  wrote  as  follows: 

RIVERSIDE,  14  November,  1856. 
MY  DEAR  FRIEND: 

I  have  w^atched  the  course  of  the  late  election,  and 
have  sincerely  rejoiced  in  the  result,  which  I  did  what 
I  could  to  promote.  I  do  not  know  Mr.  Buchanan. 
He  can  do  nothing  for  me  or  any  of  my  friends,  but  I 
am  glad  he  is  elected,  and  it  is  my  heart's  desire  and 
prayer  to  God  that  in  the  selection  of  his  Cabinet  and 
the  adoption  of  his  measures  he  will  fully  justify  the 
confidence  which  has  been  placed  in  him  as  a  wise 
counsellor,  a  conservative  statesman,  and  a  true 
patriot.  I  believe  he  will.  No  man  has  ever  had  a 
nobler  opportunity.  I  am  glad  to  know  that  you  will 
be  in  a  position  of  influence.  I  have  followed  you  and 
your  public  career  with  the  lively  interest  of  a  true 
friendship.  I  shall  continue  to  do  so,  and  permit  me 
to  say  I  rely  very  much  on  your  prudence  and  experi 
ence  in  the  exercise  of  the  influence  which  you  will 
justly  possess.  I  would  not  intrude  myself  on  Mr. 
Buchanan,  but  if  you  think  proper  you  may  tell  him 
that  I  do  but  express  the  feeling  of  a  multitude  of  the 


64  The  LIFE  of  J.  CLANCY  JONES 

best  men  in  the  country  who  have  now  for  the  first 
time  voted  the  Democratic  ticket. 

Come  and  see  me  when  you  can,  and  believe  me  ever 
Faithfully  your  friend, 

GEORGE  W.  DOANE. 

In  1859,  when  Mr.  Jones  was  about  to  sail  from 
New  York  for  Europe  as  Minister  of  the  United 
States  to  the  Court  of  Austria,  he  received  from 
the  Bishop  the  following  kind  farewell  note : 

RIVERSIDE,  3  January,  1859. 
MY  DEAR  FRIEND: 

I  am  sorry  not  to  see  you  before  you  leave  the  coun 
try,  but  I  am  going  up  the  North  River,  a  hundred 
miles,  to  marry  three  of  my  school-children. 

Captain  Engle  told  me  of  his  seeing  you,  and  of  his 
desire  to  give  you  a  salute.  He  has  sent  you  a  letter 
to  his  friend  Prince  Demidoff.  Now,  the  Captain  is 
as  modest  as  he  is  brave.  He  feared  you  might  think 
he  did  not  know  that  your  high  office  would  take  you 
anywhere.  But  he  is  desirous  that  you  should  know 
the  man  as  well  as  the  Prince,  and  no  one  in  this  country 
has  such  access  to  him  as  the  Captain. 

My  dear  friend,  I  shall  have  prayers  for  you  in  St. 
Mary's  Church  on  Sunday,  and  shall  follow  you  with 
my  blessing. 

Present  me  kindly  to  your  family,  and  believe  me 
ever  faithfully  your  friend, 

GEORGE  W.  DOANE. 

It  was  but  natural,  therefore,  that  when  the 
time  came  for  Mr.  Jones  to  enter  the  sacred  min- 


In  the  MINISTRY  65 

istry,  he  should  turn  to  his  friend  Bishop  Doane, 
and,  as  was  his  ardent  wish,  he  received  his  ordi 
nation  as  a  deacon  in  the  Episcopal  Church  from 
him  on  December  14,  1834.  Less  than  a  year 
afterwards,  on  Sunday,  October  n,  1835,  the 
seventeenth  Sunday  after  Trinity,  he  was  ad 
vanced  by  Bishop  Doane  to  the  priesthood,  in 
Christ  Church,  New  Brunswick,  New  Jersey. 

Mr.  Jones  entered  upon  his  ministry  with  rare  de 
votion  to  the  Church.  His  interest  in  it  amounted 
almost  to  enthusiasm.  It  had  been  the  Church  of 
his  ancestors,  as  we  have  seen,  from  the  earliest 
times,  and  he  had  inherited  their  attachment  to 
it.  This  devotion  continued  throughout  his  life. 
After  he  left  the  ministry,  he  never  ceased  to  show 
his  continued  interest  in  the  Church.  He  was  a 
regular  and  faithful  attendant  upon  its  services, 
and  was  prominent  in  its  councils.  When  Mr. 
Jones  resigned  from  the  vestry  of  Christ  Church, 
Reading,  in  1868,  the  vestry  passed  the  following 
resolution:  "Resolved,  That  this  vestry,  in  accept 
ing  the  resignation  of  the  Hon.  J.  Glancy  Jones, 
desires  to  express  its  regret  at  parting  with  one  so 
long  connected  with  them,  and  to  place  on  record 
their  high  sense  of  the  valuable  services  he  has 
rendered  our  beloved  Church,  and  of  the  zeal, 
liberality,  and  devotion  with  which  he  has  ever 
served  her  interests." 


VOL.  1—5 


CHAPTER  VI. 

Mr.  Jones  becomes  rector  of  St.  John's  Church,  Chew's  Landing, 
and  St.  Peter's  Church,  Berkeley — Rev.  Robert  Blackwell — Mr. 
Jones  is  transferred  to  the  church  at  Spottswood,  New  Jersey — 
Organizes  the  parish  of  St.  Stephen's,  Beverly,  New  Jersey — 
Resigns  his  rectorship  there  and  becomes  rector  of  St.  Paul's 
Church,  Quincy,  Florida — The  decade  between  1830  and  1840 — 
A  journey  to  Florida  in  1839 — Florida — Mr.  Jones'  life  there — 
Withdrawal  from  the  ministry — Studies  law  and  is  admitted  to 
the  bar  of  Georgia — Passes  the  winter  in  Elkton,  Maryland. 

SHORTLY  after  his  ordination  as  deacon, 
young  Mr.  Jones  placed  himself  in  the  hands 
of  Bishop  Doane  for  such  work  as  he  had  for 
him  to  do.  The  Church  was  much  in  need  then 
of  active,  energetic,  capable  men  in  its  ministry. 
Mr.  Jones  preferred  to  labor  in  places  where  the 
Church  was  weak,  where  there  were  opportunities 
but  little  means.  In  difficulties  which  would 
have  discouraged  most  men  he  found  only  incen 
tives  to  increased  effort,  opportunities  for  the  ex 
ercise  of  his  great  energies  and  for  the  gratification 
of  his  strong  desire  for  usefulness  and  achievement. 
The  Bishop  sent  him  at  first  down  into  an  un 
promising  field  in  the  flat  agricultural  country  be 
low  Camden,  New  Jersey,  where  there  was  a  little 
church  called  St.  John's,  on  the  north  branch  of 
Timber  Creek,  in  a  small,  scattered  settlement 
known  as  Chew's  Landing,  and  another  little 
church  called  St.  Peter's,  eight  or  ten  miles  to  the 

66 


MISSIONARY  WORK  67 

westward,  in  an  open  district  called  Berkeley. 
This  little  church  was  built  in  1770,  and  was  torn 
down  in  1846.  Its  first  rector  was  the  distin 
guished  Dr.  Robert  Blackwell,  who  remained 
there  until  the  congregation  was  broken  up  in 
1777-1778  by  the  active  military  movements  in 
that  neighborhood  while  the  British  were  in  pos 
session  of  Philadelphia.  He  then  became  a  chap 
lain  in  the  army,  and  was  afterwards  for  many 
years  the  assistant  minister  of  Christ  Church  and 
St.  Peter's,  Philadelphia. 

Mr.  Jones  was  placed  in  charge  of  the  two  little 
churches  at  Chew's  Landing  and  Berkeley.  The 
soil  of  the  country  was  sandy,  the  roads  heavy, 
and  the  settlements  poor  and  few.  Mr.  Jones  had 
been  there  for  less  than  a  year  when  the  Bishop 
found  more  urgent  need  for  him  at  Spottswood,  in 
Middlesex  County,  near  South  Amboy.  During 
his  short  stay  at  Chew's  Landing  and  Berkeley, 
however,  Mr.  Jones  had  succeeded  in  infusing  new 
life  into  those  parishes,  and  in  making  important 
additions  to  one  of  the  churches,  in  the  shape  of  a 
vestry-room  and  a  new  pulpit,  reading-desk,  and 
pews. 

At  Spottswood  his  daughter  Elizabeth  was  born. 

During  the  following  winter  the  Bishop  made  a 
house  to  house  visitation  in  Willingboro  Town 
ship,  which  was  within  the  boundaries  of  his  own 
parish,  St.  Mary's,  Burlington,  for  the  purpose  of 
urging  the  people  to  organize  a  mission  there. 
He  was  so  much  encouraged  and  interested  in  this 


68  The  LIFE  of  J.  CLANCY  JONES 

work,  that  he  called  Mr.  Jones  to  his  assistance 
and  placed  it  in  his  charge.  Here,  as  the  Bishop 
stated  in  his  annual  address  to  the  Convention, 
Mr.  Jones  "  labored  with  zeal,  discretion,  and  dili 
gence,  and  God  blessed  his  labors."  He  organized 
the  new  congregation  of  St.  Stephen's,  which  wor 
shipped  in  a  brick  building  at  Cooperstown,  three 
miles  south  of  Burlington.  This  building  had 
been  erected  as  a  free  church,  to  be  used  by  any 
denomination,  but  to  become  the  property  of  the 
first  body  of  Christians  incorporated  in  that  neigh 
borhood.  This  brought  it  into  the  possession  of 
St.  Stephen's  congregation.  A  good  frame  house 
near  by  on  the  Cooperstown  road  was  purchased 
for  a  rectory,  and  in  this  building  Mr.  Jones'  son 
Charles  was  born.  Mr.  Jones  foresaw  that  the 
tendency  of  the  settlement  was  toward  concen 
tration  on  the  Delaware,  and  he  built  a  frame 
church  at  a  point  which  is  now  the  corner  of  Cooper 
and  Oak  streets,  Beverly,  New  Jersey.  This  new 
church  was  consecrated  by  the  Bishop  on  Thurs 
day,  December  7,  1837,  and  during  this  impressive 
service  Mr.  Jones'  infant  son  Charles  was  baptized 
by  Bishop  Doane. 

Having  completed  his  work  there,  Mr.  Jones, 
two  weeks  later,  gave  notice  to  the  vestry  of  his 
intention  to  resign.  His  active  and  enterprising 
spirit  had  been  attracted  to  the  distant  Territory 
of  Florida,  where  a  new  diocese  was  about  to  be 
organized. 

The  young  men  who  started  out  in  the  decade 


The  PANIC  of  1837  69 

between  1830  and  1840  to  take  part  in  the  active 
pursuits  of  life  did  not  find  the  way  made  easier 
for  them  by  the  bounty  of  great  commercial  pros 
perity.  Business  in  all  its  branches  was  much 
depressed.  The  finances  of  the  country  were  un 
settled  and  disturbed  by  the  bitter  conflict  between 
Jackson's  administration  and  the  friends  of  the 
Bank  of  the  United  States.  First  came  the  veto 
of  the  act  of  Congress  which  renewed  the  charter 
of  the  Bank,  then  the  withdrawal  of  the  Govern 
ment  deposits.  To  this  was  added  the  agitation 
growing  out  of  changes  in  the  tariff,  and  the  nul 
lification  ordinance  of  South  Carolina.  Banks 
were  recklessly  chartered  by  the  States,  and  their 
notes  freely  put  into  circulation  to  take  the  place 
of  the  money  that  had  up  to  that  time  been  sup 
plied  by  the  United  States  Bank.  These  notes 
were  not  redeemed.  In  order  to  relieve  the  busi 
ness  depression,  loans  were  often  made  without 
adequate  security.  The  Government  unwisely 
demanded  payment  in  specie  for  its  customs  and 
for  the  public  lands.  The  Treasury  had  a  surplus 
of  over  thirty-seven  millions  on  deposit,  but  this 
was  not  available,  as  Congress  had  withdrawn  it 
and  distributed  it  among  the  States.  Jackson, 
who  was  the  great  President  of  the  people,  was  a 
constant  menace  to  the  conservative  and  moneyed 
classes,  who  had  not  been  over-considerate  of  the 
rights  of  the  masses. 

The    Indians,    too,    had    become    troublesome. 
Scarcely  had  the  Black  Hawk  War  been  brought 


70  The  LIFE  of  J.  CLANCY  JONES 

to  an  end,  when  the  more  serious  conflict  with  the 
Seminoles  began,  in  the  Everglades  of  Florida, 
which  lasted  seven  years  and  cost  the  Govern 
ment  thirty  millions  of  dollars.  These  Indians 
had  entered  into  a  treaty  by  the  terms  of  which 
they  had  agreed  to  remove  to  the  other  side  of 
the  Mississippi,  but  when  the  time  came  they  re 
fused  to  go. 

Then  came  the  political  excitement  and  dis 
turbances  incident  to  a  Presidential  election, 
the  financial  panic  of  1837  which  followed  the  in 
auguration  of  Martin  Van  Buren,  and  the  sus 
pension  of  specie  payments  by  the  banks  of  the 
city  of  New  York.  The  country  did  not  have  the 
recuperative  resources  it  has  now.  Its  million 
aires  could  easily  have  been  counted  on  the  fin 
gers  of  one  hand.  Its  development  was  still  in  a 
very  crude  condition.  The  population  had  not 
reached  seventeen  millions.  Internal  improve 
ments  were  in  their  infancy.  The  means  of 
travel  and  intercommunication  were  poor.  The 
rate  of  postage  was  twenty-five  cents  for  half  an 
ounce,  instead  of  two  cents  an  ounce.  There  was 
none  of  the  strength  that  comes  from  concen 
tration.  The  distinctive  character  of  the  Col 
onies  had  not  been  entirely  lost.  The  dangers 
which  now  threaten  the  country  in  the  form  of 
the  centralization  of  power  in  the  General  Govern 
ment  and  of  the  organization  of  gigantic  trusts, 
or  combinations  for  the  forestalling  of  trade,  were 
unheard  of.  The  administration  of  government 


FLORIDA  71 

was  much  simpler  and  by  far  more  economical. 
Separate  bodies  and  separate  individuals  had  to 
rely  upon  themselves  and  make  the  most  of  such 
resources  as  they  might  have,  which  developed  a 
stronger  citizenship.  Everything  was  upon  a 
much  smaller  and  a  much  simpler  scale.  The 
Church  was  weak,  and  was  among  the  very  first 
to  feel  this  national  depression.  At  that  time 
there  were  but  nineteen  bishops;  now  there  are 
ninety-eight.  Then  there  were  twenty-six  States; 
now  there  are  forty-six. 

Before  the  country  had  had  time  to  recover 
from  the  financial  crash  of  1837,  Mr.  Jones  went 
to  Florida,  where  he  entered  upon  his  duties  as 
rector  of  St.  Paul's  Church,  Quincy,  November 
19,  1838.  It  was  no  new  country  into  which  he 
was  going.  It  had  been  the  legendary  abiding- 
place  of  the  mystic  fountain  of  youth  for  many 
years  before  it  was  discovered  by  Ponce  de  Leon, 
a  century  earlier  than  the  oldest  Dutch  settle 
ment  on  the  Delaware.  The  Spanish  Catholics 
and  French  Protestants  had  fought  their  religious 
wars  there  in  the  middle  of  the  sixteenth  century. 
Its  coasts  had  been  ravaged  by  the  buccaneers 
in  the  time  of  their  greatest  prosperity.  Ponce 
de  Leon  called  it  Florida,  the  land  of  flowers  and 
majestic  trees.  It  had  been  an  inviting  land  from 
the  earliest  times,  and  would  doubtless  have  be 
come  the  home  of  many  more  white  settlers  had 
not  the  savage  Seminole  held  on  so  tenaciously 
to  its  thickets  and  swamps. 


72  The  LIFE  of  J.  CLANCY  JONES 

As  it  was,  Florida  had  only  a  little  over  fifty 
thousand  inhabitants  when  Mr.  Jones  arrived 
there  in  the  fall  of  1838,  not  quite  half  of  whom 
were  negro  slaves.  He  had  passed  part  of  the 
preceding  summer,  with  his  family,  at  ''Flush 
ing,"  the  hospitable  home  of  Mrs.  Rodman,  his 
mother-in-law,  and  had  left  his  wife  and  children 
there  with  her  when  he  went  to  Quincy  to  look 
over  the  field  he  had  chosen  and  to  assume  his 
duties  as  rector  of  St.  Paul's  Church.  Upon  his 
arrival  he  entered  at  once  upon  the  discharge  of 
those  duties  with  his  characteristic  energy  and 
zeal.  He  labored  there  during  the  winter  of  1838- 
1839,  building  up  his  congregation  and  carrying 
on  the  work  of  his  ministry.  There  was  no  church 
building,  so  he  held  his  services  in  the  court 
house.  He  at  once  set  to  work,  however,  to  raise 
a  fund  with  which  to  build  a  suitable  church,  and 
was  so  successful  that  he  was  able  to  lay  the 
corner-stone  and  have  the  building  well  under 
way  before  he  went  north  in  the  spring  to  bring 
his  family  to  Quincy. 

After  spending  the  summer  in  the  North,  Mr. 
Jones,  in  the  latter  part  of  October,  1839,  left 
Pennsylvania  on  his  return  to  Florida  with  his 
wife  and  children.  The  journey  was  a  pleasant 
one,  though  long  and  fatiguing.  They  went  from 
Philadelphia,  through  Baltimore,  to  Washing 
ton,  where  they  took  passage  on  the  steamboat 
" Augusta"  down  the  Potomac  to  Fredericks- 
burg,  Virginia.  They  reached  Fredericksburg 


JOURNEY  to  FLORIDA  73 

at  midnight,  from  which  place  a  railroad  had 
recently  been  built  to  Richmond.  Over  this  new 
road  they  proceeded  without  delay,  at  the  rate 
of  about  six  miles  an  hour,  and  reached  Richmond 
at  half  past  six  the  next  morning.  They  were 
immediately  transferred  to  another  railroad  train, 
that  was  ready  to  start  for  Petersburg.  When 
they  arrived  at  that  place,  they  were  allowed 
time  to  take  a  hasty  breakfast,  after  which  the 
train  moved  on,  at  its  snail's  pace,  to  a  little 
town  in  North  Carolina  called  Graysburg.  Here 
they  stopped  to  dine.  After  dinner  they  con 
tinued  their  journey,  until  at  nightfall  they  had 
gone  as  far  as  the  railroad  had  been  completed. 
At  this  point  seven  stages  were  in  waiting,  in 
which  the  passengers  rode  wearily  on  all  night. 
Having  covered  the  break  in  the  railroad,  they 
were  aroused  from  a  heavy  sleep  before  dawn  on 
Sunday  morning  (November  3}  and  were  trans 
ferred  to  the  railway  coaches  again.  Another 
long  and  tiresome  day's  journey  was  before  them, 
through  a  flat,  dusty,  and  most  uninteresting 
country,  which  was  to  bring  them  to  Wilmington, 
North  Carolina,  and  was  to  complete  the  portion 
of  their  long  journey  that  they  were  able  to  make  by 
rail.  They  arrived  at  Wilmington  at  three  o'clock 
on  Sunday  afternoon,  drowsy,  dusty,  and  worn  out. 
Those  who  have  seen  pictures  of  the  railways 
of  those  days  and  their  equipment  can  readily 
understand  why  the  stage-coaches  were  able  to 
compete  with  them  for  so  long  a  time.  The  stage- 


74  The  LIFE  of  J.  CLANCY  JONES 

coach  was  by  far  the  most  picturesque  means  of 
travelling,  and  as  yet  riding  in  the  railway  coaches 
was  nearly  if  not  quite  as  rough.  The  railway 
trains  went  little,  if  any,  faster.  Instead  of  accom 
modating  themselves  to  the  country  and  the 
country  roads,  as  the  stage-coaches  had  to  do, 
the  country  had  to  accommodate  itself  to  them, 
and  in  doing  so  had  lost  much  of  its  attractive 
ness.  Very  little  respect  was  paid  by  the  railway 
trains  to  their  formal  schedules.  If  anything, 
the  stages  were  the  more  punctual  and  reliable  of 
the  two.  The  advantage  of  the  railways  over 
the  stages  lay  chiefly  in  the  greater  power  which 
propelled  them  and  in  the  larger  capacity  of  their 
accommodations . 

When  the  railway  train  in  which  Mr.  Jones  and 
his  family  travelled  reached  Wilmington,  the 
weary  passengers,  greatly  to  their  relief,  were 
transferred  to  a  steamer  lying  at  the  wharf,  in 
whose  comfortable  cabins  they  found  rest  after 
the  loss  of  two  nights'  sleep  and  the  fatigues  of 
their  long,  exhausting  journey.  They  took  their 
meals  leisurely  and  in  comfort,  were  refreshed  by 
the  bracing  air  of  the  ocean,  and  slept  soundly 
on  board  the  boat  during  its  night  voyage  over 
a  smooth  sea  to  Charleston,  South  Carolina. 
After  breakfast  the  next  morning,  much  refreshed 
by  the  rest  they  had  been  able  to  obtain,  the  pas 
sengers  were  landed  at  Charleston,  and  Mr.  Jones 
and  his  family  became  the  guests,  during  Monday, 
of  their  friend  Mrs.  Glover  at  her  hospitable  and 


QUINCY  75 

elegant  mansion,  which  was  one  of  the  finest 
among  the  fine  old  residences  of  that  noted  town. 

On  Tuesday  morning,  November  5,  at  seven 
o'clock,  they  resumed  their  journey  to  Quincy. 
In  order  to  take  the  regular  stage  route  to 
Florida,  which  lay  night  and  day  for  three  hun 
dred  miles  across  the  State  of  Georgia,  they  were 
obliged  to  go  up  to  Augusta,  which  lies  to  the 
north  of  Charleston,  just  over  the  border.  From 
here  the  stage  ran  three  days  in  the  week.  The 
streets  of  Augusta,  as  they  passed  through,  were 
still  full  of  the  desolation  and  desertion  that  had 
been  left  behind  by  the  recent  scourge  of  yellow 
fever.  At  midnight  on  Wednesday,  in  the  wil 
derness  below  Augusta,  their  stage  was  upset  and 
they  narrowly  escaped  serious  injury.  Finally, 
on  the  third  day  after  they  left  Charleston,  the 
stage  drew  up  at  their  destination,  at  three 
o'clock  in  the  afternoon  of  Friday,  November  8, 
1839,  ten  days  after  they  had  left  Philadelphia. 
With  all  its  changes,  delays,  and  discomforts, 
their  journey  had  not  been  without  its  pleasures 
and  interesting  experiences. 

We  have  felt  justified  in  going  into  the  details 
of  this  long  and,  as  it  was  then  considered,  rapid 
journey  of  twelve  hundred  miles,  across  six  States, 
for  the  purpose  of  showing  how  a  journey  from 
Pennsylvania  to  Florida  was  made  sixty  years  ago. 

Quincy  was  an  unimportant  but  beautiful 
little  town  of  scattered  houses  built  in  a  wood, 
from  the  branches  of  whose  trees  hung  the  long, 


76  The  LIFE  of  J.  CLANCY  JONES 

graceful  skeins  of  the  Florida  moss.  The  climate 
was  mild  and  delightful,  the  tropical  vegetation 
luxuriant.  The  people  were  cultivated,  pros 
perous,  and  hospitable,  with  the  genuine,  prover 
bial  hospitality  of  the  South.  Mr.  Jones'  con 
gregation  was  small  and  scattered.  Some  of  his 
parishioners  lived  on  plantations  and  came  every 
Sunday  eight  or  ten  miles  to  church.  The  Epis 
copalians  in  the  Territory  were  not  strong  in 
numbers.  Out  of  one  hundred  and  seventy- 
seven  churches  they  had  only  ten.  The  Meth 
odists  had  about  one-half  of  the  entire  number. 
The  schools  were  good  and  largely  attended. 
The  Indians  were  still  a  menace,  so  much  so  that 
the  owners  of  the  plantations  in  the  neighborhood 
brought  the  children  of  their  slaves  to  their  town 
houses  for  protection.  Duelling  occurred  with 
a  frequency  that  was  shocking  to  the  Northern 
mind.  It  was  in  Quincy  that  Mr.  Jones'  son 
Richmond  was  born. 

The  life  of  Mr.  Jones  and  his  family  during 
their  brief  residence  in  Florida  was  a  pleasant 
and  happy  one.  They  lived  in  Quincy  in  one  of 
the  best  houses  in  the  town,  near  the  church  Mr. 
Jones  had  built,  which  was  the  most  prominent 
building  in  the  place,  and  were  constantly  enter 
tained  in  the  refined  homes  of  their  neighbors. 
Mr.  Jones  became  prominent  in  the  diocese.  He 
was  a  member  of  the  Standing  Committee,  secre 
tary  of  the  annual  Diocesan  Conventions,  preached 
the  sermons  before  them,  and  was  chosen  deputy 


LEGAL  STUDIES  77 

each  year  to  the  General  Conventions  of  the  Church. 

He  realized,  however,  more  and  more,  as  his 
experience  of  life  increased,  the  mistake  his 
friends  had  made  in  the  choice  of  his  profession. 
He  was  richly  endowed  with  qualities  which  far 
better  fitted  him  for  the  arena  of  the  bar  and 
public  life  than  for  the  more  tranquil  and  less 
controversial  pursuits  of  the  Church.  While, 
therefore,  he  was  earnestly  and  faithfully  dis 
charging  his  duties  in  the  ministry,  his  thoughts 
turned  toward  the  study  of  the  law,  as  a  profes 
sion  better  adapted  to  his  powers  and  affording 
better  opportunities  for  their  exercise.  It  was 
not  the  whim  of  John  Calvin,  who  left  the  priest 
hood  of  the  Roman  Catholic  Church  to  enter  the 
law  office  of  Judge  Peter  de  Stella,  but  the  endur 
ing  conviction  of  Mr.  Jones'  maturer  years. 

He  remained  in  Quincy  until  the  church  he  had 
built  there  was  completed  and  occupied  by  the 
congregation  he  had  gathered  together — until  the 
work  he  had  undertaken  there  was,  after  three 
years  of  diligent  labor,  successfully  accomplished. 
It  is  easy  to  understand  the  good  a  man  of  his 
character  and  zeal  must  have  done  in  the  fields 
where  he  labored  so  faithfully  during  these  years 
of  his  early  manhood,  and  it  is  equally  easy  to 
understand  how  far-reaching  the  fruits  of  his 
labors  must  have  been. 

The  Territory  of  Florida  was  not  at  that  time 
a  good  place  for  the  study  of  the  common  law 
of  England.  Scarcely  twenty  years  had  elapsed 


78  The  LIFE  of  J.  CLANCY  JONES 

since  it  had  been  acquired  by  the  United  States 
from  Spain,  and  justice  had  been  administered 
there  for  over  three  centuries  under  the  Spanish 
civil  law.  Mr.  Jones,  therefore,  having  withdrawn 
from  the  ministry  early  in  the  year  1841,  comr 
pleted  his  legal  studies  in  the  adjoining  State  of 
Georgia,  which  had  been  a  colony  of  England 
(where  the  Roman  or  civil  law  had  never  taken 
root)  and  was  one  of  the  original  thirteen  States. 
It  was  the  custom  in  Georgia  at  that  time,  as  it 
was  in  most  of  the  States,  for  lawyers  to  "ride 
the  circuit,"  as  it  was  called.  They  followed  the 
judges  from  their  homes  to  such  places  as  were 
fixed  by  law  for  the  holding  of  the  terms  of  court. 
When  Mr.  Jones  was  ready  to  apply  for  admis 
sion  to  the  bar,  he  filed  his  petition  in  the  Superior 
Court  then  sitting  at  Eatonton,  Putnam  County, 
Georgia,  of  September  term,  1841.  The  court, 
in  answer  to  the  prayer  of  his  petition,  fixed  a  day 
for  his  examination  in  open  court,  and  named 
the  following  gentlemen  to  conduct  his  examina 
tion:  Francis  H.  Cone,  on  common  law;  E.  A. 
Baxter,  on  the  principles  of  equity;  Robert  V. 
Hardeman,  on  the  statute  law  of  the  State;  and 
James  A.  Merriwether,  on  the  constitutions  of 
the  United  States  and  the  State  of  Georgia.  All 
of  these  gentlemen  were  then  in  the  prime  of  life 
and  in  full  practice,  and  ranked  among  the  ablest 
and  most  successful  lawyers  in  the  State.  All  of 
them  had  been  members  of  the  Legislature,  and 
all  afterwards  became  judges  of  the  Superior 


ADMISSION  to  the  BAR  79 

Court  of  Georgia.  Judge  Cone  was  the  leader 
of  the  bar  of  that  State,  and  was  spoken  of  by 
Robert  Toombs  as  "  a  lawyer  and  judge  who  had 
but  few  equals  and  no  superiors."  Mr.  Merri- 
wether  was  at  that  time  a  Representative  from 
Georgia  in  the  Congress  of  the  United  States. 
"The  fact  that  Mr.  Jones, "  writes  a  distinguished 
lawyer  and  judge  of  Georgia,  "was  examined  by 
these  gentlemen  and  recommended  by  them  for 
admission  to  the  bar  is  plenary  evidence  of  his 
thorough  equipment  for  entrance  into  the  pro 
fession.  ' '  On  the  day  following  his  examination, 
Mr.  Jones,  at  the  age  of  twenty-nine,  took  the 
oath  of  office,  "having  given  satisfactory  evi 
dence  of  good  moral  character,"  as  his  certificate 
of  admission  reads,  "  and  being  found  well  ac 
quainted  and  skilled  in  the  law."  He  was  thus 
"  admitted  by  the  Court  to  all  the  privileges  of  an 
Attorney,  Solicitor,  and  Counsellor  in  the  several 
Courts  of  Law  and  Equity  in  the  State  of  Georgia." 

Mr.  Jones  had  no  thought  of  taking  up  his 
permanent  residence  in  the  South.  His  intention 
was  to  return  to  his  native  State  of  Pennsylvania. 

After  his  admission  to  the  bar  he  journeyed 
northward,  and  resided  temporarily  for  several 
months  in  the  old  town  of  Elkton,  Maryland. 
While  there  his  daughter  Mary  was  born. 

An  old  edition  of  Purden's  "  Digest  of  the  Laws 
of  Pennsylvania, ' '  now  open  before  me,  bears 
marks  of  the  care  with  which  he  studied  it  at 
Elkton  in  the  winter  of  1841-1842. 


CHAPTER  VII. 

Mr.  Jones  returns  to  Pennsylvania,  and  begins  the  practice  of 
the  law  at  Easton — His  life  in  Easton — Address  upon  the  tariff 
and  protection  to  home  industry. 

K)TURNING   to    Pennsylvania,  his    native 
State,   Mr.   Jones    began  the  practice   of 
the    law   at    Easton,    where   he   was   ad 
mitted  to  the  bar,  April  19,  1842,  on  motion  of 
James  M.  Porter,  who  a  year  later  became  a  mem 
ber  of  Mr.  Tyler's  Cabinet  as  Secretary  of  War. 
Mr.   Jones    resided    in    North   Pomfret   Street,   a 
few  doors  south  of  Spring  Garden. 

He  at  once  took  a  leading  place  among  his 
fellow  members  of  the  bar  and  in  the  community. 
He  tried  many  important  cases  and  built  up  a 
large  and  lucrative  practice.  His  name  appeared 
very  frequently  in  the  reports  of  the  court  pro 
ceedings.  The  fruitful  resources  of  his  mind,  his 
energy,  his  industry,  and  his  power  as  a  public 
speaker  were  at  once  recognized  by  his  fellow 
citizens,  who  did  not  hesitate  to  avail  themselves 
of  them  whenever  the  occasion  offered,  and  Mr. 
Jones  readily  responded  to  every  demand  that 
was  made  upon  him.  There  was  scarcely  a  move 
ment  of  any  importance  in  the  town,  either  in 
its  literary  circles  or  in  its  public  affairs,  in  which 
he  was  not  called  upon  to  take  a  conspicuous 

80 


RETURN  to  PENNSYLVANIA  81 

part.  It  is  perhaps  no  exaggeration  to  say  that 
this  was  true  of  him  as  it  was  of  no  other  man  in 
Easton  at  that  time. 

The  depression  in  all  lines  of  manufacture  and 
business  growing  out  of  the  financial  panic  of 
1837  had  given  rise  to  a  discussion  of  the  "  Amer 
ican  System,"  as  it  was  called,  of  protection  to 
home  industries  as  a  means  for  the  restoration 
of  the  prosperity  of  the  country.  This  system 
had  held  a  place  in  the  political  economy  of  the 
country  from  the  time  of  the  adoption  of  the 
Constitution,  but  until  1828  it  had  been  an  inci 
dent  rather  than  an  object  of  tariff  legislation.  In 
the  tariff  legislation  of  that  year  this  order  was 
reversed.  With  Mr.  Clay  as  its  champion,  pro 
tection  became  the  object  and  revenue  the  inci 
dent  of  the  tariff  of  1828.  This  doctrine  of 
protection,  however,  continued  to  be  bitterly 
assailed.  It  was  denounced  as  oppressive  upon 
the  consumer,  as  the  work  of  "politicians  and 
manufacturers ' '  in  utter  disregard  of  the  common 
interests  of  the  country.  It  was  violently  opposed 
by  the  South.  It  became  an  issue,  and  received 
a  check  in  the  second  election  of  General  Jackson 
to  the  Presidency  in  1832. 

In  the  fall  before  Mr.  Jones  went  to  Easton, 
a  convention  of  the  friends  of  protection  was 
held  in  the  city  of  New  York,  the  result  of  which 
was  an  address  to  the  people  of  the  United  States. 
In  response  to  a  call  contained  in  this  address,  a 
town  meeting  "of  the  friends  of  American  In- 

VOL.  I— G 


82  The  LIFE  of  J.  CLANCY  JONES 

dustry , ' '  irrespective  of  party,  was  held  in  Easton, 
and  Mr.  Jones  was  requested  to  prepare  and 
deliver  an  address  for  the  enlightenment  of  the 
people  upon  the  perplexing  subject  of  the  tariff 
and  its  relation  to  home  industry.  This  clear, 
sound,  and  able  address,  which  is  as  follows, 
was  delivered  by  Mr.  Jones  on  April  19,  1842,  the 
day  he  was  admitted  to  the  bar  of  Easton: 

At  a  recent  meeting  of  the  Home  League,  held  in 
this  borough,  a  committee  of  three,  consisting  of 
Hopewell  Hepburn,  Esq.,  J.  M.  Porter,  Esq.,  and  my 
self,  were  appointed  to  prepare  and  deliver  an  address 
on  the  subject  of  the  protection  of  Home  Industry. 
In  consequence  of  the  short  time  allowed  for  its  prep 
aration  and  the  pressing  professional  duties  of  the 
first-named  gentlemen,  your  committee  have  not  been 
able  to  give  it  that  attention  which  its  merits  so  justly 
demand,  and  justice  to  these  gentlemen  requires  the 
remark,  that  for  the  errors  and  imperfections  of  this 
address,  your  chairman  alone  should  be  held  responsi 
ble.  The  subject  of  the  Tariff,  Protective,  or  American 
System  as  it  is  indiscriminately  called,  is  one  so  ex 
tremely  complicated  as  to  forbid  the  discussion  of  the 
whole  question  in  an  ordinary  address.  The  peculiar 
form  of  government  under  which  it  is  our  happiness 
to  live ;  our  local  position  on  a  newly  discovered  con 
tinent,  far  from  the  turmoil  and  strife  of  densely  popu 
lated  Europe ;  a  vast,  untrodden  forest,  open  to  a  new 
and  enterprising  race;  our  climate,  productions,  and 
various  other  causes,  have  given  to  the  subject  of 
protection  a  new  aspect  and  extended  its  ample  folds 


The  TARIFF  83 

over  fields  of  inquiry  and  research  never  dreamed  of 
in  cabinet  councils  or  legislative  bodies  in  the  old 
world.  As  the  question  has  been,  however,  most 
amply  digested,  and  all  its  principles  distinctly  drawn 
out  and  impressed  upon  the  national  mind  by  some^of 
our  ablest  men,  and  as  their  views  are  accessible  to  all, 
it  will  be  sufficient  for  your  committee  to  touch  upon 
those  points  briefly  which  are  least  understood  in  the 
community  and  on  which  the  interests  of  our  manu 
facturers  mainly  rely. 

The  discussion  of  the  Tariff  question  has,  in  our 
national  legislature,  been  based  nearly  if  not  alto 
gether  on  local  policy.  Instead  of  being  a  distinct 
measure  of  any  one  of  the  great  political  parties  of  the 
day,  it  has  generally  been  considered  a  point  of  issue 
between  the  North  and  the  South.  That  there  is  in 
all  governments  an  inherent  right  inalienable  in  its 
very  nature  to  protect  its  own  interests  and  all  that 
concerns  its  welfare,  is  a  truth  as  indisputable  as  that 
God  has  given  the  right  of  self-defence  to  men  individ 
ually,  and  the  entire  absence  of  an  expression  of  this 
right  in  the  Constitution  of  any  free  government  is 
no  proof  whatever  that  the  right  does  not  exist;  it  is 
a  right  anterior  to  the  Constitution,  and  results  of 
necessity  from  the  very  existence  of  a  social  compact, 
and  consequently  this  right  wTas  not  disputed  under 
the  American  confederation  until  Southern  policy  sug 
gested  it,  from  the  mistaken  notion  that  it  affected 
injuriously  their  interests.  In  order  to  destroy. the 
protective  system,  it  was  contended  that  it  was  not 
essential  to  the  prosperity  of  any  part  and  directly 
hostile  to  the  interests  of  a  large  portion  of  the  constit 
uent  parts  of  this  government,  and  that  the  General 


84  The  LIFE  of  J.  CLANCY  JONES 

Government  possessed  no  power  to  wield  an  engine  so 
destructive  of  these  interests  under  the  Constitution. 
Thus  by  plausible  sophistry,  the  advocates  of  South 
ern  interests  expected  to  sap  the  foundation  of  our 
manufactures  and  thereby  retard  the  prosperity  of  the 
Northern  and  Middle  States.  It  may  be  said,  without 
fear  of  contradiction,  that  all  prosperous  governments 
since  the  establishment  of  commerce  on  its  modern 
principles  have  deemed  the  protection  of  domestic 
manufactures  an  essential  ingredient  in  a  well-ordered 
and  well-constituted  government;  and  that  the  gov 
ernment  of  the  United  States  as  at  present  established 
rests  upon  this  same  basis  is  a  fact  easily  proved  by 
authority  the  most  conclusive  and  indisputable.  In 
fact,  the  very  impulse  that  brought  the  present  con 
federacy  into  existence  was  the  impulse  of  home 
protection,  the  throbbing  of  a  nation's  heart,  warmed 
by  the  same  genial  influence  that  prompts  individuals 
to  the  protection  of  a  family  altar  or  the  domestic 
fireside.  The  confusion  which  followed  the  establish 
ment  of  the  old  confederation  soon  satisfied  all  minds 
that  home  protection  was  out  of  the  question.  Under 
the  provisions  of  those  famous  articles  each  State 
regulated  its  own  internal  commerce  and  paid  its  quota 
into  the  general  fund  for  the  liquidation  of  national 
expenses.  The  States  of  Pennsylvania  and  New  York 
laid  duties  upon  foreign  imports,  and  as  the  cities  of 
New  York  and  Philadelphia  in  a  measure  monopolized 
the  importation  trade,  New  Jersey  was  obliged  to  pay 
duties  either  into  the  New  York  or  Pennsylvania 
treasury,  for  her  entire  consumption  of  foreign  articles, 
without  receiving  any  benefit  from  this  source  of 
revenue.  In  order  to  avoid  this  evil  the  Port  of  Perth 


The  TARIFF  85 

Amboy  was  declared  to  be  a  free  port,  and  this  in  turn 
would  of  course  destroy  the  trade  of  the  first-named 
cities  or  compel  them  to  abandon  their  duties.  These 
simple  facts,  therefore,  soon  opened  the  eyes  of  our 
revolutionary  patriots,  as  it  was  obvious  to  all  that, 
under  this  system,  the  source  of  revenue  from  import 
duties  would  be  entirely  cut  off  and  with  it  sacrificed 
domestic  manufactures,  and  with  this  grand  oblation 
to  a  foreign  idol  would  be  offered  up  commercial 
independence  and  domestic  prosperity.  It  is  thus 
easy  to  be  seen  that  the  frame rs  of  our  Constitution 
regarded  the  protection  of  domestic  manufactures, 
combined  with  the  security  of  a  national  revenue,  as 
absolutely  essential  to  the  successful  establishment  of 
this  government;  and  it  is  needless  to  add  that  upon 
these  two  pillars  in  its  foreign  policy  this  proud  fabric 
reared  its  head  and  maintained  its  dignity  to  this  day, 
commanding  the  admiration  of  all  the  world.  In  ac 
cordance  with  these  principles,  therefore,  a  judicious 
tariff  was  established  under  the  new  Constitution,  and 
this  tariff,  under  various  modifications,  has  continued 
to  the  present  day.  No  opposition  was  made  to  the 
principle,  until,  from  the  excessive  production  of  cotton 
in  the  Southern  States  and  its  consequent  diminution 
in  price,  a  mistaken  policy  devised  the  plan  of  abolish 
ing  the  protective  theory  altogether.  The  representa 
tives  of  an  interested  constituency  seriously  proposed 
and  contended,  for  the  first  time,  in  the  year  1824,  that 
discriminating  duties  laid  for  the  protection  of  domestic 
manufactures  were  an  exercise  by  Congress  of  uncon 
stitutional  power,  and  that  the  whole  system  ought 
to  be  abandoned,  because,  forsooth,  a  portion  of  the 
South,  one -tenth  or  less  of  the  population  of  the  Union, 


86  The  LIFE  of  J.  CLANCY  JONES 

deemed  its  abolishment  essential  to  their  interests. 
Your  committee  have  been  particular  on  this  point 
in  order  that  you  may  distinctly  understand  that  the 
doctrine  of  the  unconstitutionality  of  the  tariff  was 
never  heard  of  until  brought  into  being  by  the  imagi 
nary  interests  of  the  South.  Fortunately  for  the 
country,  our  Chief  Magistrates  have  all  expressed 
themselves  clearly  on  this  point,  leaving  no  doubt  in 
their  views  of  its  constitutionality.  Your  committee 
are  indebted  to  a  speech  recently  delivered  in  Congress 
by  Mr.  Slade  of  Vermont,  for  a  collection  of  the 
opinions  here  inserted.  In  his  message  to  Congress 
of  the  8th  Jan.,  1790,  and  the  first  he  delivered, 
President  Washington  says:  "The  safety  and  interests 
of  the  people  require  that  they  should  promote  such 
manufactures  as  tend  to  render  them  independent 
for  essential,  particularly  military,  supplies."  This 
portion  of  the  message  was  referred  by  Congress  to 
the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  with  the  request 
that  he  would  prepare  and  report  a  plan  for  the 
protection  of  domestic  manufactures,  conformably 
to  the  views  of  the  President  in  his  speech  to  both 
houses  of  Congress. 

Congress  at  frequent  periods  afterwards  confirmed 
these  views  by  maturing  the  system  thus  started. 

In  his  second  message  to  Congress,  Dec.  isth,  1802, 
President  Jefferson  says:  "To  cultivate  peace,  and 
maintain  commerce  and  navigation  in  all  their  lawful 
enterprises,  to  foster  our  fisheries  as  nurseries  of  navi 
gation  and  for  the  nurture  of  man,  and  PROTECT  THE 
MANUFACTURES  adapted  to  our  circumstances,"  &c., 
&c.,  "by  continuing  to  make  these  the  rule  of  our 
actions  we  shall  endear  to  our  countrymen  the  prin- 


The  TARIFF  87 

ciples  of  their  Constitution."  But  Jefferson  goes  even 
further  than  this,  for  in  his  message  of  Dec.  2d,  1806, 
when  there  was  a  prospect  of  a  surplus  revenue,  result 
ing  from  the  existing  import  duties,  he  says:  "To 
what  object  shall  these  surpluses  be  appropriated  after 
the  discharge  of  the  public  debt?  Shall  we  suppress 
the  IMPOST  and  give  that  ADVANTAGE  TO  FOREIGN 

OVER     DOMESTIC     MANUFACTURES,"      &C.         On     a     few 

articles  he  thinks  the  impost  might  be  removed,  but 
with  regard  to  the  great  mass  he  says,  "that  the 
patriotism  of  the  people  would  prefer  its  continuance 
and  application  to  the  great  purposes  of  public  edu 
cation,  roads,  rivers,  canals,  and  such  other  objects 
of  public  improvement  as  it  may  be  thought  proper 
to  add  to  the  Constitutional  enumeration  of  Federal 
power."  President  Madison,  after  recommending  in 
his  primary  message  this  subject  to  the  consideration 
of  Congress,  speaks  distinctly  of  the  policy  for  the 
protection  of  domestic  manufactures  in  his  messages 
of  1811  and  1815.  In  one  of  them  he  says:  "But 
there  is  no  object  which  can  enter  with  greater  force 
into  the  deliberations  of  Congress  than  a  consideration 
of  the  means  to  PRESERVE  and  PROMOTE  the  MANU 
FACTURES  which  have  sprung  into  existence  and  at 
tained  an  unparalleled  maturity  throughout  the 
United  States  during  the  period  of  the  European 
wars.  This  source  of  national  independence  and 
wealth  I  anxiously  recommend  therefore  to  the  prompt 
and  constant  guardianship  of  Congress."  The  senti 
ments  of  President  Monroe  are  very  fully  expressed, 
throughout  his  administration;  in  his  inaugural  ad 
dress,  4th  March,  1817,  he  uses  this  language:  "Our 
manufactures  will  likewise  require  the  systematic  and 


88  The  LIFE  of  J.  CLANCY  JONES 

fostering  care  of  the  Government;  possessing  as  we 
do  the  raw  material,  the  fruit  of  our  own  soil  and 
industry,  we  ought  not  to  depend  in  the  degree  we 
have  done  on  supplies  from  other  countries.  While 
wre  are  thus  dependent,  the  sudden  event  of  war  un 
sought  and  unexpected  cannot  fail  to  plunge  us  into 
the  most  serious  difficulties ;  it  is  important,  too,  that 
the  capital  which  nourishes  our  manufactures  should 
be  domestic,  as  its  influence  in  that  case,  instead  of 
exhausting,  as  it  may  do,  in  foreign  hands,  would  be 
felt  advantageously  on  agriculture  and  every  other 
branch  of  industry.  Equally  important  is  it  to  provide 
at  home  a  market  for  our  raw  materials,  as  by  extend 
ing  the  competition  it  will  enhance  the  price  and  pro 
tect  the  cultivation  against  the  casualties  incident  to 
foreign  markets."  This  has  been  said  to  be  the  best 
summary  of  the  arguments  in  favor  of  a  protective 
tariff  anywhere  to  be  found,  and  is  here  inserted  as  a 
fair  exponent  of  the  sentiments  of  President  Monroe 
on  this  subject,  frequently  afterwards  inculcated. 
President  Adams'  opinions  are  well  known  and  were 
energetically  and  properly  expressed  on  all  suitable 
occasions  during  his  administration.  But  one  short 
extract  need  be  given  here,  and  that  is  contained  in 
his  last  message  to  Congress  of  the  2d  Dec.,  1828,  in 
which  he  says:  "The  great  interests  of  our  agricult 
ural,  commercial,  and  manufacturing  nation  are  so 
linked  in  union  together,  that  no  permanent  cause  of 
prosperity  to  any  one  of  them  can  operate  without 
extending  its  influence  to  the  others.  All  the  interests 
are  alike  under  the  PROTECTING  POWER  OF  THE  LEGIS 
LATIVE  AUTHORITY,  and  the  duties  of  the  representative 
bodies  are  to  concentrate  them  in  harmony  together.'' 


The  TARIFF  89 


President  Jackson,  in  his  message  of  the  lyth  Dec., 
1830,  says:  "The  power  to  impose  duties  on  imports 
originally  belonged  to  the  several  States;  the  right  to 
adjust  these  duties  with  a  view  to  the  encouragement 
of  domestic  branches  of  industry  is  so  completely 
incidental  to  that  power,  that  it  is  difficult  to  suppose 
the  existence  of  the  one  without  the  other.  The  States 
have  delegated  their  whole  authority  over  imposts  to 
the  general  government  without  limitation  or  restric 
tion,  saving  the  very  inconsiderable  reservations  under 
the  inspection  laws.  This  authority  having  thus 
entirely  passed  from  the  States,  the  right  to  exercise 
it  for  the  purpose  of  protection  does  not  exist  in  them, 
and  consequently  if  it  be  not  possessed  by  the  General 
Government,  it  must  be  extinct.  Our  political  system 
would  thus  present  the  anomaly  of  a  people  stripped 
of  the  right  to  foster  their  own  industry  and  to  counter 
act  the  most  selfish  and  destructive  policy  that  might 
be  adopted  by  foreign  nations.  This  surely  cannot  be 
the  case  ;  this  indispensable  power  thus  surrendered 
by  the  States  must  be  within  the  scope  of  the  authority 
on  the  subject  expressly  delegated  to  Congress.  In 
this  conclusion  I  am  confirmed  as  well  by  the  opinions 
of  Pres'ts  Washington,  Jefferson,  Madison,  and  Monroe, 
who  have  each  repeatedly  recommended  the  exercise 
of  this  right  under  the  Constitution,  as  by  the  uniform 
practice  of  Congress,  the  continued  acquiescence  of 
the  States,  and  the  general  understanding  of  the 
people." 

These  quotations  are  somewhat  tedious,  but  your 
committee  deem  it  expedient  to  be  thus  particular  for 
the  accomplishment  of  two  objects:  FIRST,  that  the 
basis  of  our  present  Constitution  is  the  protection  o 


90  The  LIFE  of  J.  CLANCY  JONES 


ii 


'home  industry,  and  that  a  protective  tariff  is  consti- 
,'ftutional  in  the  explicitly  declared  opinions  of  all  our 
Presidents ;  and  SECONDLY,  that  this  grand  conserva 
tive  principle  of  our  government  is  not  a  party  measure. 
There  can  be  no  doubt  but  that  it  would  be  gratifying 
to  any  party  to  make  it  a  distinct  party  question, 
because  it  would  afford  immense  capital  for  electioneer 
ing  purposes.  A  measure  in  which  it  is  well  known  that 
a  large  and  overwhelming  majority  of  the  voters  of 
these  United  States  are  deeply  and  personally  inter 
ested,  a  doctrine  to  which  all  the  Presidents  have 
subscribed  and  the  most  distinguished  men  of  our 
country  have  given  their  cordial  support,  might  well 
be  coveted  by  any  party. 

The  tariff  question  has  been  discussed  of  late  gener 
ally  under  two  heads : 

i st.  Its  constitutionality. 

2d.    Its  expediency. 

The  constitutional  objections,  as  before  remarked, 
have  been  alleged  from  the  South  almost  exclusively, 
but  in  consequence  of  a  very  imperfect  knowledge  of 
its  legitimate  effects,  there  are  many  persons,  chiefly 
consumers,  in  the  Northern  and  Middle  States,  who  are 
opposed  to  a  protective  tariff,  from  the  mistaken 
opinion  that,  because  they  are  not  producers,  their 
interests  will  be  injuriously  affected.  This  opinion  is 
very  natural  to  those  who  do  not  view  the  subject  in 
all  its  comprehensive  parts.  There  is  no  subject, 
perhaps,  in  the  grand  circle  of  disputed  points  on  which 
human  intellect  spends  its  powers,  that  admits  of  more 
speculative  theories  or  vague  and  uncertain  conclu 
sions  than  the  much  talked  of  science  of  political  econ 
omy;  it  is  a  field  in  which  smatterers  may  revel,  and 


The  TARIFF  91 

even  the  most  feeble  minds  may  establish  a  plausible 
theory ;  and  this  may  proceed  either  from  false  reason 
ing  on  sound  premises,  or  from  fair  deductions  from 
fallacious  premises.  Your  committee  are  of  opinion 
that  all  theories  should  be  disregarded  here  unless  well 
substantiated  by  practice — the  best  and  truest  test, 
where  it  can  be  obtained,  in  any  science. 

Now,  in  its  application  to  this  subject,  experience 
has  proved  just  the  reverse  of  the  above  conjecture ; 
that  is,  so  far  is  a  protective  tariff  from  adding  to  the 
price  of  articles  of  domestic  manufacture,  that  it 
actually  diminishes  the  price  in  every  instance  in  which 
it  has  been  tried.  This  point  is  thought  to  be  incredible 
by  some,  and  special  attention  is  directed  to  it  by  your 
committee,  in  order  that  it  may  be  fully  understood. 

In  the  first  place,  by  a  comparison  of  prices  under 
different  tariffs,  we  will  prove  the  FACT,  then  give  what 
to  the  minds  of  your  committee  is  a  satisfactory  solu 
tion  of  this  apparent  contradiction.  Contrary  to  the 
popular  opinion,  prices  FALL  under  a  high  tariff.  On 
the  article  of  iron,  there  was  not  a  sufficient  protective 
duty  laid,  until  the  year  1828.  In  that  year  a  duty 
was  laid  which  was  nearly  prohibitory,  that  is,  the 
importation  of  iron  nearly  ceased,  and  we  looked 
entirely  to  our  domestic  manufactures  for  our  supply. 
Now  look  at  the  prices:  in  the  year  1828,  when  this 
import  duty  was  laid,  the  wholesale  price,  in  the  North 
ern  cities,  of  bar  iron  was  $105  per  ton;  in  1829, 
$100;  in  1830,  $90;  in  1831,  from  $85  to  $75,  diminish 
ing  yearly ;  and  in  the  meantime  there  was  an  increased 
supply  of  25  per  cent.  A  duty  of  5  cents  per  Ib.  was 
laid  on  nails,  and  what  was  the  effect?  Under  this 
duty  they  fell  from  10  cents  per  Ib.  to  5.  These  are 


92  The  LIFE  of  J.  CLANCY  JONES 

stubborn  facts  and  show  conclusively  the  operation  of 
a  high  protective  duty.  Look  next  at  its  operative 
effect  on  cotton  fabrics.  A  duty  sufficient  to  protect 
their  home  manufacture  was  laid,  and  what  is  the 
consequence?  Why,  the  identical  article  which  sold 
in  1817  for  29  cents  per  yard,  sold  in  1829  for  9  cents 
per  yard.  In  the  first-named  year  cotton  goods,  for 
domestic  use,  were  shipped  to  this  market  from  India 
on  the  other  side  of  the  globe ;  in  the  last-named  year, 
and  since,  the  scales  were  completely  turned,  and  goods 
shipped  from  here  to  the  East  Indies  for  consumption. 
The  above-named  goods  underwent  a  gradual  change : 
in  1817  they  brought  29  cts. ;  in  1819,  21  cts. ;  1821, 
19^  cts.;  1823,  17  cts.;  1825,  14^  cts.;  1827,  13  cts.; 
and  in  1829,  9  cts.  This  you  will  remember  was  under 
a  protective  tariff;  one  which  not  only  excluded  the 
foreign  article,  but  which  resulted  in  an  exportation  to 
the  very  market  to  which  we  formerly  looked  for  our 
own  supplies. 

The  next  article  to  which  your  attention  is  directed 
is  the  manufacture  of  woollens.  Since  the  duty  of 
1824,  there  has  been  a  constant  reduction  in  the  price 
of  woollens ;  in  1828,  a  duty  was  laid  on  flannels  which 
secured  completely  the  American  market  to  the  Ameri 
can  manufacturer,  and  what  is  the  result?  In  1828, 
they  were  46  cts.;  in  1829,  36  cts.;  in  1830,  32  cts.; 
in  1831,  32 \  cts.;  and  during  this  time  wool,  the  raw 
material,  rose.  Brown  sugar  under  a  tariff  of  ij  cts. 
per  Ib.  averaged  14  cts.  per  Ib. ;  from  1820  to  1830, 
the  duty  was  3  cts.  and  the  average  price  8  cts.  per  Ib. 
Before  the  tariff  of  1824,  window  glass  8  by  10  sold  for 
$12  per  100  feet,  since  the  tariff  for  $3.50.  In  the  year 
1828,  a  duty  of  three  cents  per  Ib.  was  laid  on  lead, 


The  TARIFF  93 

and  it  immediately  fell  to  i  \  cents  per  Ib.  Now  accord 
ing  to  the  anti-tariff  theory,  this  duty  should  have 
made  it  rise  3  cts.,  whereas  it  fell,  to  one  half  the  duty. 
What  has  been  said  of  the  above  articles  holds  good 
of  paper,  the  depreciation  of  which  in  price  is  known 
to  all,  and  of  various  others.  Now  these  are  facts 
staring  us  in  the  face,  and  we  ask  particularly  the 
consumers  who  believe  that  a  tariff  is  against  their 
interests  to  weigh  them  well.  Let  it  be  remembered 
that  we  speak  of  a  protection  of  that  which  we  can 
manufacture  ourselves;  it  is  not  pretended  that  a 
high  duty  laid  upon  articles  which  we  cannot  produce 
will  diminish  the  price,  but  no  such  duty  is  called  for 
by  the  friends  of  a  judicious  tariff. 

Such  are  the  FACTS.  Let  us  now  turn  to  the  pro 
ductive  causes  of  these  wonderful  results.  Why  is  it 
that  under  a  protective  duty  prices  should  fall,  and 
not  advance?  The  answer  is  found  in  the  simple  fact, 
that  no  sooner  is  a  safe  duty  laid  on  any  given  article, 
than  manufacturers  begin  to  turn  their  attention  to 
its  production;  they  invest  capital;  ingenuity  is 
taxed,  and  improvements  in  machinery  result;  skill 
and  good  management  follow  successful  practice ; 
competition  fills  the  market,  and  the  price  declines. 
But  the  question  is  put  at  once :  Then,  if  our  manu 
facturers  can  produce  the  article  at  as  low  or  even  at 
a  lower  rate,  why  do  they  want  a  tariff  to  protect 
them?  If  they  can  compete  successfully,  why  call  for 
aid  ?  This  argument  is  frequently  alleged  and  no  doubt 
is  thought  by  many  to  be  unanswerable ;  but  they 
mistake  the  object.  The  reason  why  protection  is 
sought  is  simply  this :  The  mode  of  carrying  on  manu 
factories  in  Europe  and  in  this  country  is  widely 


94  The  LIFE  of  J.  CLANCY  JONES 

different.  In  this  country,  factories  of  all  kinds  are 
established  by  individuals,  small  companies,  or  limited 
corporations;  they  invest  all  their  capital  and  skill, 
and  their  resources  being  small,  they  are  necessarily 
confined  to  the  natural  laws  of  supply  and  demand; 
and  this  is  a  happy  circumstance  for  the  country, 
for  it  is  freed  from  the  deleterious  influence  of  a  vast 
monopoly,  which  hangs  like  an  incubus  over  the 
energies  of  the  country  that  .is  cursed  with  its  presence. 
Not  so  is  it  with  foreign  manufactories ;  they  are  vast 
monopolies,  fed  and  nourished  with  the  life-blood  of 
a  nation;  they  hold  their  heartless  orgies  over  the 
destinies  of  nations,  at  one  time  reducing  them  almost 
to  nakedness  and  starvation,  at  another  time  filling 
them  to  repletion  just  as  it  may  suit  their  interests. 
The  managers  of  these  institutions  are  familiar  with 
the  whole  subject  of  our  manufactures,  and  with  the 
abilities  and  limited  resources  of  our  manufacturers. 
Let  the  duty  be  once  taken  off,  and  they  rush  in  and 
glut  the  market,  selling  their  goods  at  less  than  cost, 
and  submitting  to  heavy  sacrifices  in  order  to  break 
up  all  the  American  manufacturers,  which  they  can 
easily  do  in  one  short  year,  and  then  they  have  the 
whole  field  to  themselves,  and  can  fix  their  own  prices 
and  deal  out  their  allowances  with  a  scanty  or  a  liberal 
hand  as  may  suit  their  convenience.  Can  it  be  possible 
that  an  American,  whose  heart  is  warmed  and  animated 
by  the  spirit  of  freedom,  who  loves  his  country  as  he 
loves  his  life,  would  thus  see  her  cringing  before  the 
heartless  power  of  foreign  monopolies ;  picking  up  the 
crumbs  that  fall  from  their  tables?  Is  there  any  man 
who  understands  the  subject,  so  lost  to  his  country's 
pride  and  honor,  that  he  would  see  the  energies  of  his 


The  TARIFF  95 

fellow  citizens  laid  prostrate  at  his  feet  by  the  foul 
engines  of  foreign  cupidity  and  avarice?  Patriotism, 
however,  is  not  necessary.  Our  own  interest  points 
the  way.  Let  it  be  distinctly  understood,  then,  that 
when  our  manufacturers  call  upon  you  for  a  protective 
tariff,  it  is  not  because  they  want  better  prices,  but 
because  they  want  you  to  protect  them  from  destruc 
tion  by  foreign  corporations.  Our  room  will  not  allow 
us  to  carry  out  more  fully  this  subject,  as  there  are 
ample  materials  for  it ;  but  your  committee  hope  they 
have  adduced  sufficient  to  show,  first,  that  a  tariff  is 
constitutional  and  belongs  to  no  political  party, 
secondly,  that  a  tariff  is  expedient,  and  that  it  is  the 
interest  of  the  consumer  to  protect  it,  because  he 
thereby  buys  cheaper.  There  is  another  aspect  of 
this  case  which  is  of  vast  importance,  and  which  in  its 
reactive  tendencies  confers  favor  on  all.  The  protec 
tion  of  domestic  manufactures  enriches  a  country  like 
ours  in  a  twofold  degree ;  in  the  first  place  it  retains 
all  the  precious  metals  in  the  country,  which  would 
otherwise  go  to  pay  for  these  articles  abroad,  and  thus 
adds  vastly  to  its  wealth;  and  in  the  next  place  it 
provides  a  heavy  consumption  for  our  agricultural 
products,  and  thus  enriches  our  farmers  and  all  con 
cerned  in  the  cultivation  of  the  soil.  It  is  the  interest 
of  this  country  to  encourage  agriculture,  but  it  is  not 
the  interest  of  the  agriculturist  to  produce  more  than 
he  can  find  a  market  for  at  a  fair  price .  If  a  protective 
duty  will  add  to  the  consumption  of  grain,  it  is  the 
farmer's  interest  to  have  it,  for  whatever  adds  to  the 
price  of  grain,  adds  to  the  value  of  the  land  that  pro 
duces  it.  If  wheat  were  suddenly  to  go  up  to  two 
dollars  a  bushel,  land  now  worth  $100  per  acre  would 


96  The  LIFE  of  J.  CLANCY  JONES 

advance  to  $150,  and  so  on  indefinitely.  There  is  a 
fact  frequently  alluded  to  by  the  opponents  of  a  tariff, 
that  under  a  high  protective  duty  the  balance  of  trade 
has  been  against  us  in  a  larger  degree  than  under  a 
moderate  tariff.  This  is  a  fact  not  disputed;  but  go 
to  the  Custom  House  and  examine  the  articles  which 
create  this  balance,  and  you  will  find  that  under  a 
high  duty  the  balance  is  for  LUXURIES — wines,  silks, 
laces,  &c.,  which  a  good  protective  tariff  enables  a 
prosperous  and  happy  country  to  buy;  while  under  a 
free  trade  the  balance  is  for  the  NECESSARIES  OF  LIFE 
which  MUST  be  had  if  it  impoverishes  the  country, 
and  which  cannot  be  stopped  without  suffering; 
whereas  luxuries  naturally  stop  as  soon  as  a.  pecuniary 
pressure  is  felt  in  the  community.  We  wish  this 
distinction  to  be  particularly  observed,  because  it  is 
a  consideration  of  vast  importance — whether  a  coun 
try  has  the  balance  of  trade  against  her  for  the 
LUXURIES  or  the  NECESSARIES  of  life.  These  are  the 
principal  objections  alleged  against  a  protective  system ; 
but  there  is  a  theory,  much  talked  of  and  warmly 
advocated,  different  from  all  of  these,  and  this  system, 
why  we  cannot  conceive,  is  called  free  trade — that  is, 
free  on  one  side,  but  ruinously  oppressive  on  the  other. 
This  system  requires  that  we  should  throw  our  ports 
open  to  all  the  world  duty  free,  while  at  the  same  time 
we  must  pay  high  duties  on  all  our  exports.  It  is 
astonishing  that  this  one-sided  scheme  should  have 
ever  found  advocates  in  this  country.  The  very  name 
of  trade  implies  a  contract,  and  no  contract  is  made 
without  quid  pro  quo,  an  equivalent  or  consideration 
of  some  kind,  passing  so  as  to  confer  mutual  benefit 
to  the  contracting  parties.  Yet  the  system  called  free 


The  TARIFF  97 

trade  propo'ses  for  one  party  to  yield  up  everything 
without  any  consideration  from  the  other  party!  It 
is  due  to  the  community  that  this  proposition,  when 
seriously  made,  should  be  accompanied  with  some 
concession  from  the  other  parties,  to  make  it  mutual. 
When  other  ports  are  opened  for  the  free  admission 
of  our  exports,  it  will  be  ample  time  to  accept  the 
proffered  terms,  and  in  return  throw  open  ours. 

With  the  hope  on  the  part  of  your  committee  that 
sufficient  has  been  said  to  convince  the  candid  hearer, 
now  turn  to  the  interests  which  are,  strictly  speaking, 
those  for  which  protection  is  sought;  and  let  it  not 
be  supposed  that  in  speaking  of  high  protective  duties, 
your  committee  advocate  duties  for  the  creation  of  a 
surplus  revenue.  The  only  protection  sought  is  the 
protection  which  the  necessary  disbursements  of  the 
National  Government  call  for  in  the  shape  of  revenue. 
But  these  duties  must  be  discriminating,  as  opposed 
to  horizontal  ad  valorem  duties;  and  this  discrimina 
tion  should  be  exercised  with  reference  to  those  manu 
factures  which  we  can  best  produce,  and  should  afford 
adequate  protection,  but  nothing  more. 

According  to  the  latest  tables,  the  total  amount  of 
manufactures  in  the  United  States  is  $1,795,000,000; 
the  amount  of  agricultural  productions  alone  is  esti 
mated  at  $1,252,700,000,  and  in  this  trade  are  em 
ployed  282,639  tons  of  shipping.  In  the  State  of 
Pennsylvania  the  iron  trade  alone  is  rated  at  $22,000,- 
ooo,  the  capital  invested  at  $9,500,000,  the  consump 
tion  by  the  hands  employed  nearly  $6,000,000.  The 
interests  in  coal  are  yet  comparatively  undeveloped, 
but  in  the  county  of  Northampton  alone  the  coal 
interest  is  valued  at  $8,000,000.  In  connection  with 


VOL.  1—7 


98  The  LIFE  of  J.  GLANCY  JONES 

this,  the  State  is  intersected  with  canals  and  railroads 
that  are  capable  without  any  additional  expense, 
except  for  wear  and  tear,  of  freighting  to  market  ten 
times  the  quantity  now  shipped.  Your  committee  are 
not  able  to  present  an  accurate  statement  of  the  manu 
facturing  interest  in  detail,  in  the  United  States  nor 
in  the  State  of  Pennsylvania;  but  as  this  league 
intends  only  to  represent  its  own  local  interest,  we  have 
taken  some  pains  to  arrive  at  an  estimate  of  the  manu 
facturing  interest  of  Northampton  County.  This 
estimate  is  as  nearly  correct  as  we  could  make  it, 
though  we  do  not  vouch  for  its  entire  accuracy. 

The  population  of  Northampton  County  is  about 
41,000.  This  county  is  divided  into  21  townships,  and 
embraces  an  area  of  874  square  miles;  its  population 
is  characterized  for  its  industry,  sobriety,  and  thrift; 
its  soil  is  highly  fertile,  and  so  well  adapted  to  the 
growth  of  grain;  it  abounds  in  mineral  wealth,  and 
possesses  the  materials  for  making  one  of  the  richest 
counties  in  the  State.  It  exports  upwards  of  200,000 
tons  of  coal  annually.  In  1835  it  contained  181  stores, 
50  flouring  mills,  which  manufacture  upwards  of 
337,500  barrels  of  flour,  and  it  is  estimated  that  it 
now  exports  flour  to  the  value  of  $600,000.  In  addi 
tion  to  this  it  possesses  other  manufactures  in  success 
ful  operation,  of  different  kinds,  in  which  large  capital 
is  invested.  The  principal  are  the  following: 

In  the  Coal  trade,  as  above  given,  in  the  county  of 
Northampton,  there  is  invested  $8,000,000 ;  in  Leather, 
$250,000;  in  Iron,  embracing  Furnaces,  Foundries, 
Forges,  Rolling  Mills,  Nail  Manufactories,  $350,000; 
Coach  and  Wagon  making,  $80,000;  Slate,  $50,000; 
Blacksmithing,  $100,000;  Shoe  establishments,  $100,- 


The  TARIFF  99 

ooo ;  Tobacco,  $2,000;  Saddle  and  Harness,  $100,000; 
Cabinet  and  Chair  making,  $125,000 ;  Cotton  Factories, 
$50,000;  Woollen  Factories,  $100,000;  Ready-made 
Clothing,  a  branch  in  which  females  are  deeply  inter 
ested,  amount  not  known;  Hat  and  Cap  making,  not 
known;  the  exports  of  flour,  valued  at  $600,000.  In 
addition  to  these  there  are  many  other  branches  of 
industry,  which  your  committee  could  not  include  in 
their  estimate  for  want  of  more  accurate  information. 
Among  others  might  have  been  inserted  the  manu 
facture  of  Mill  Stones,  capital  invested  in  the  importa 
tion  and  improvement  of  stock,  &c.  The  amount  of 
capital  thus  invested  in  the  county  of  Northampton 
reaches  the  gross  sum  of  $9,325,000.  Where  is  the 
ruthless  hand  that  would  lay  these  infant  establish 
ments,  these  buddings  of  his  country's  hope,  in  the 
dust  to  make  way  for  foreign  institutions  and  foreign 
interests?  In  connexion  with  this  estimate  it  should 
also  be  stated,  that  these  establishments  give  employ 
ment  to  a  large  number  of  hands,  who  are  heavy  con 
sumers  of  flour,  beef,  pork,  potatoes,  and  the  various 
other  products  of  the  soil.  Stop  these  operations,  and 
what  is  the  consequence  ?  These  men  and  women  must 
live.  Why,  they  will  become  producers;  the  consump 
tion  from  this  source  will  stop,  and  they  will  contribute 
to  the  over-production  of  the  agricultural  supplies; 
the  market  will  be  glutted;  every  one  will  have  to  sell, 
and  none  can  buy.  Land  will  depreciate  in  value ; 
the  precious  metals  will  be  drained  from  the  country 
to  pay  for  our  domestic  consumption  of  foreign  manu 
factures  ;  England  will  still  refuse  our  exports,  and  we 
will  present  to  the  world  the  astonishing  phenomenon 
of  a  country  blessed  to  profusion  with  the  smiles  of 


100  The  LIFE  of  J.  CLANCY  JONES 

heaven,  suffering  in  the  midst  of  abundance ;  sur 
rounded  with  an  excess  of  the  necessaries  of  life,  and 
yet,  except  simply  to  satisfy  the  cravings  of  hunger, 
in  daily  want;  and  all  this  because,  disregarding  the 
laws  of  nature  and  of  reason,  we  refuse  to  protect  our 
own  interests.  This  is  no  fancied  picture ;  there  is  not 
a  man  in  this  house  but  could  see  its  effect,  if  tried  in 
his  own  county.  Let  every  man  turn  farmer,  and  what 
is  the  result?  We  cannot  live  on  bread  alone,  although 
it  is  the  staff  of  life,  and  if  trade  is  destroyed  we  must 
all  farm  on  some  scale. 

If  room  and  time  would  admit,  your  committee 
would  be  glad  to  say  something  in  reference  to  the 
assertion  frequently  made,  that  if  we  did  not  manu 
facture  for  ourselves,  others  would  for  us,  and  they 
would  consume  what  our  manufacturers  do  now.  This 
seems  plausible  at  first  sight,  but  it  is  fallacious,  for 
in  the  first  place,  England,  by  her  corn  laws,  has 
fixed  prohibitory  duties  on  our  agricultural  produc 
tions;  and  in  the  second  place,  these  foreign  corpora 
tions,  if  they  could  monopolize  the  markets  of  the 
world,  would  almost  make  themselves  independent  of 
the  human  race  by  carrying  on  their  establishments 
with  machinery;  and  let  it  be  remembered  that  iron 
and  wood  machinery,  doing  the  work  of  thousands  of 
men,  are  not  consumers  of  bread  and  meat. 

In  conclusion,  your  committee  would  briefly  allude 
to  a  fact  which  does  not  seem  to  be  understood.  No 
country  on  earth  pays  more  respectful  deference  to 
popular  opinion  than  ours ;  but  in  the  extreme  anxiety 
everywhere  felt  to  obey  its  behests,  men  forget  that 
even  public  opinion  can  be  manufactured.  There  are 
demagogues  in  everything — selfish  persons  who  either 


The  TARIFF  101 

have  no  interest  in  the  welfare  of  the  country,  or 
stifle  it  if  they  have,  for  their  own  personal  benefit. 
Let  the  question  be  asked:  Who  are  at  the  bottom 
of  this  anti-protection  system?  It  is  just  as  easily 
traced  as  the  ray  of  light  is  to  the  sun  in  the  heavens : 
It  is  British  policy!  So  intimately  blended  are  the 
English  and  Americans  in  language,  sympathies, 
institutions,  literature,  arts  and  sciences,  commerce, 
manufactures,  and  the  ties  of  blood  and  descent,  that 
the  current  of  public  feeling  flows  and  re -flows  over 
the  Atlantic,  without  restraint.  National  forms  of 
government  restrain  and  regulate  national  institu 
tions,  and  keep  up  a  visible  distinction  between  differ 
ent  governments ;  but  there  are  pulsations  in  the  heart 
of  man  that  no  governmental  form  can  restrain — no 
temporal  power  can  regulate ;  there  are  emotions  that 
spring  up  spontaneously  in  the  soul,  that  will  flow  in 
no  other  channel  but  that  marked  out  with  the  finger 
of  God.  They  belong  to  that  free  intercommunication 
of  spirit,  which  flows  invisibly  throughout  the  world, 
influencing  and  controlling  the  actions  of  men  almost 
unconsciously  to  themselves.  Now,  gentlemen,  this 
thing  is  well  understood  in  England.  They  know  that 
the  interests  of  a  small  fraction  of  this  great  nation, 
the  cotton-growers  of  the  South,  are  opposed  to  manu 
factures  at  home.  They  know  that  the  press  is  power 
ful  and  has  great  influence.  They  know  that  (we  are 
sorry  to  acknowledge  it)  it  is  sometimes  venal  and 
may  be  bought.  They  know  that  their  agents  (unlike 
the  agents  of  other  nations)  can  mix  with  our  people 
and  not  be  distinguished  from  them;  and  what  fol 
lows?  Agents  are  scattered  throughout  the  land  as 
thick  as  the  locusts  of  Egypt;  and  these  men,  by 


102  The  LIFE  of  J.  CLANCY  JONES 

writing  for  our  public  papers  under  the  assumed  garb 
of  Americans,  from  Maine  to  Louisiana,  combining 
with  Southern  planters  to  affect  the  public  mind, 
actually  produce  a  sort  of  public  sentiment  which 
passes  with  the  unwary  for  the  honest  opinion  of  our 
countrymen,  whose  blood  is  identified  with  their 
country's  honor,  little  supposing  that  this  public 
opinion  is  manufactured  for  the  market  by  a  race  of 
heartless  cormorants,  who  would,  every  man  of  them, 
in  the  event  of  w^ar,  be  found  in  hostile  array  against 
this  country.  It  is  not  surprising  that  we  are  deceived ; 
these  men  are  ingenious,  and  their  sophistry  is  smooth 
and  rendered  palatable  before  it  is  sent  out  to  the 
world;  and  like  Satan  when  he  entered  Paradise, 
they  all  affect  to  make  men  wiser  and  happier.  No 
man  ever  heard  of  these  things  being  started  in  the 
country.  No,  they  come  from  our  largest  commercial 
cities,  where  these  agents  are  planted  as  the  special 
guardians  of  British  policy.  There  is  not  a  man  in 
this  house  but  knows  how  easy  a  matter  it  is  to  make 
what  is  called  public  opinion.  It  is  therefore  necessary 
to  guard  against  this  solemn  farce.  It  will  do  no  harm 
if  let  alone,  but  if  importance  is  attached  to  it,  it  may 
do  a  great  deal.  Many  persons  are  fearful  of  the  polit 
ical  aspect  Home  Leagues  may  assume.  Your  com 
mittee  would  be  sorry  to  see  any  party  desert  their 
interests  for  fear  of  such  a  result;  but  if  this  is  really 
apprehended,  let  all  parties  unite  as  we  do  here,  and 
this  will  prevent  it  from  becoming  the  distinct  measure 
of  any  party. 

When  your  committee  surveys  this  noble  country 
intellectually  and  physically,  and  views  the  action  of 
its  mighty  mind  from  one  verge  to  the  other,  free  as 


The  TARIFF  103 

the  air  we  breathe ;  the  avenues  to  wealth  and  distinc 
tion,  political  and  professional,  thrown  widely  open  to 
all;  the  buoyant  mind  of  youth  heaving  with  instinc 
tive  impulses  to  launch  on  this  almost  unbounded 
ocean  of  enterprise :  dim  visions  of  the  future  roll  up 
in  prospective,  when  teeming  millions  shall  flourish 
on  its  soil,  and  the  productive  energies  of  this  vast  field, 
warmed  into  vigorous  life  and  action  by  the  genial 
influences  of  free  institutions  and  free  government, 
shall  present  to  the  world  a  moral  phenomenon,  a 
sight  that  never  blest  its  eyes  before.  Taken  in  their 
combination,  the  resources  of  this  future  Republic  are 
incalculable :  a  vast,  untrodden  forest ;  fertile  to  re 
pletion;  capable,  if  under  cultivation,  of  supporting 
the  present  population  of  the  globe ;  drained  by 
rivers  ready  to  waft  its  treasures  to  the  utmost  corners 
of  the  earth.  With  mind  free  and  untrammelled,  the 
reflex  operation  of  this  internal  wealth  must  stimulate 
all  the  arts,  sciences,  trade,  manufactures,  literature, 
invention,  and  mechanical  improvements  to  a  degree 
of  perfection  that  is  almost  painful  to  contemplate. 
It  is  a  page  in  the  history  of  the  world  over  which  the 
dark  curtain  of  futurity  is  now  drawn,  and  we  shall  not 
attempt  to  lift  it.  If  geological  developments  are 
correct  data  for  mental  achievements,  the  western 
world  is  to  open  a  field  never  yet  trodden  by  the  mind 
of  man.  Let  no  one,  then,  check  in  their  infancy  the 
institutions  of  our  land  that  are  to  be  active  agents  in 
producing  these  results;  let  the  fostering,  protecting 
care  of  government  be  extended  over  domestic  manu 
factures,  and  more  than  we  have  dreamed  of  will  in 
due  time  be  realized.  It  is  certain  that  God  has  given 
us  the  means;  if  we  fail,  the  fault  will  be  our  own. 


CHAPTER  VIII. 

Addresses  before  the  Easton  Lyceum — Monument  to  George 
Taylor — Letter  from  James  Buchanan — The  Democratic  National 
Convention  of  1844 — Martin  Van  Buren — The  issues  of  the  cam 
paign — Mr.  Jones  as  a  public  speaker — Removes  to  Reading, 
Pennsylvania. 

IN  December,  1842,  Mr.  Jones  was  requested  to 
deliver  an  address  before  the  "  Easton  Ly 
ceum,"  an  association  formed  for  literary 
entertainment  during  the  winter.  It  was  the 
opening  address,  and  Mr.  Jones  chose  as  his  sub 
ject  " Social  Order."  The  lecture  season  was  a 
short  one,  but  Mr.  Jones'  address  was  so  accept 
able  to  his  hearers  that  he  was  requested  to 
lecture  again,  which  he  did  later  in  the  winter, 
before  a  large  audience,  upon  "The  Formation 
of  National  Character. ' '  The  following  synopsis 
of  his  address  is  taken  from  the  files  of  the  Easton 
papers  of  that  day,  which  spoke  of  it  as  an  "  inter 
esting  and  able  production." 

The  lecturer  introduced  his  subject  by  the  remark 
that  the  character  of  our  government  has  not  as  yet 
been  sufficiently  formed  to  become  the  subject  of 
volumes — it  must  be  gathered  from  the  popular  jour 
nals  and  reviews  of  the  day. 

The  desideratum  of  a  perfect  government  has  occu 
pied  much  of  the  attention  of  the  wise  in  every  age, 

104 


EASTON   LYCEUM  105 

and  the  social  and  religious  character  of  men  has  been 
a  subject  on  which  the  philosophers  of  antiquity  and 
of  modern  times  have  written  much. 

Physical,  intellectual,  and  moral  power  have  been 
the  forces  which  have  operated  upon  the  social  com 
pact  in  all  ages,  and  it  is  upon  the  proper  adjustment 
of  these  powers  that  the  secret  of  a  perfect  govern 
ment  rests.  In  the  old  governments  physical  power 
and  superstition  ruled;  intellectual  power  was  almost 
unfelt,  and  moral  power  not  at  all. 

These  powers  should  be  combined,  and  from  their 
power  and  combination  results  a  perfect  government. 

Individual  character  is  made  up  of  the  aggregate  of 
the  controlling  principle  of  mind,  national  character 
of  the  aggregate  of  the  principle  of  its  subjects. 

Governments  are  usually  classed  under  the  head  of 
monarchical,  aristocratical,  and  democratical,  and 
these  are  modified  into  republican  and  limited  mon 
archies,  and  certain  principles  have  been  appropriated 
to  each  of  them ;  but  these  cannot  hold  good  always — 
circumstances  will  modify  them. 

Some  governments  hold  the  intellect  of  their  subjects 
in  bondage ;  ours  stimulates  the  mind,  opens  the  avenue 
to  wealth  and  fame,  and  the  spirit  of  the  age  advances. 

In  reviewing  the  governments  of  the  earth,  two 
principles  reveal  themselves:  one,  that  when  one  man 
rules,  superstition  and  ignorance  must  be  in  the 
ascendant;  the  other,  that  when  the  people  rule, 
intelligence  and  virtue  must  have  a  wide  dominion. 

Our  government  is  moulded  upon  principles  which 
have  become  the  watchword  of  the  nation:  universal 
suffrage,  universal  education,  and  the  free  enjoyment 
of  religion. 


106  The  LIFE  of  J.  CLANCY  JONES 

The  grand  work  of  the  nation  is  education — intel 
lectual  and  moral.  The  highest  cultivation  of  the 
intellectual  powers  upon  the  broad  basis  of  moral 
obligation  will  secure  a  permanent  national  character. 
The  great  end  of  government  is  to  teach  the  lesson  to 
the  world  that  man  was  made  to  be  free ,  and  is  capable 
of  self-government.  Secure  this,  and  the  American 
government  will  teach  the  world  a  lesson  it  never  knew 
before  ;  and  it  is  for  the  citizens  to  say  whether  it  will 
succeed  or  fail. 

In  November,  1843,  a  movement  was  set  on 
foot  in  Easton  to  erect  a  monument  to  George 
Taylor,  who  had  lived  and  died  there,  and  whose 
grave  was  unmarked  in  the  Lutheran  graveyard. 
He  had  for  many  years  been  a  member  of  the 
Provincial  Assembly,  was  later  a  member  of  the 
Continental  Congress,  and  among  those  who, 
though  not  members  of  the  Congress  at  the  time 
the  Declaration  of  Independence  was  adopted, 
signed  it  afterwards.  Mr.  Jones  took  an  active 
interest  in  this  patriotic  movement,  and  elo 
quently  addressed  a  large  public  meeting  which 
was  held  at  the  Court  House  in  its  support. 

He  became  a  contributor  to  the  "  Public  Ledger  " 
of  Philadelphia,  which  solicited  and  published  his 
views  upon  public  questions  whenever  they  were 
able  to  obtain  them  from  him. 

In  addition  to  the  prominent  part  he  took  in 
the  public  movements  of  the  town  and  in  the 
work  of  his  profession,  Mr.  Jones  took  an  active 
interest  in  politics.  He  had  always  been  a  Demo 
crat.  His  political  principles  bad  come  to  him 


MR.  BUCHANAN  107 

by  inheritance  as  well  as  by  conviction.  His 
father  cast  his  first  vote  for  Thomas  Jefferson,  and 
his  last  for  James  Buchanan.  He  was  admitted 
into  the  confidence  of  the  leading  Democrats  of 
the  State,  who  sought  his  counsel  and  advice. 
Prominent  among  these  was  James  Buchanan,  then 
United  States  Senator  from  Pennsylvania,  who 
was  his  intimate,  life-long,  personal  and  political 
friend.  Mr.  Jones  was  an  earnest  advocate  of 
Mr.  Buchanan's  nomination  for  the  Presidency 
by  the  approaching  National  Convention  of  the 
Democratic  party.  The  other  prominent  candi 
dates  were  Mr.  Van  Buren,  Mr.  Calhoun,  Mr. 
Cass,  and  Mr.  Johnson  of  Kentucky.  It  soon 
became  known  that  a  majority  of  the  delegates 
to  the  Convention  had  been  instructed  for  Mr. 
Van  Buren,  and,  observing  this,  Mr.  Buchanan 
lost  no  time  in  escaping  from  the  contest,  without 
consulting  his  friends,  in  an  address  to  the 
Democracy  of  Pennsylvania.  Mr.  Calhoun  also 
withdrew  his  name. 

When  Mr.  Jones  took  him  to  task  for  his  action, 
Mr.  Buchanan  wrote  him  the  following  letter: 

WASHINGTON,  2  January,  1844. 
MY  DEAR  SIR: 

I  have  just  received  your  kind  letter,  after  passing 
several  of  the  holidays  at  home.  The  reasons  which 
induced  me  to  withdraw  are  stated  in  my  address  to 
the  Democrats  of  Pennsylvania,  which  I  presume  you 
had  not  seen  at  the  date  of  your  letter.  After  it  had 
been  rendered  manifest  as  the  light  of  day  that  Van 


108  The  LIFE  of  J.  CLANCY  JONES 

Buren  would  be  nominated  by  the  National  Conven 
tion  by  an  overwhelming  majority,  my  course  was 
taken.  It  was  a  duty  which  I  owed  to  my  party,  to 
my  friends — such  true-hearted  and  faithful  friends  as 
yourself — and  to  myself,  to  yield  to  the  will  of  the 
majority.  I  would  not  be  the  leader  of  a  forlorn  hope 
up  till  the  moment  of  defeat  before  the  National 
Convention,  when  such  defeat  might  prove  disastrous 
in  Pennsylvania  to  the  great  party  which  has  done 
me  so  much  honor,  and  would  leave  my  friends  in  a 
false  position.  Mr.  Van  Buren  is  neither  my  first  nor 
my  second  choice  among  the  candidates,  but  whether 
for  weal  or  woe,  we  shall  have  no  other  alternative 
but  to  support  him.  Calhoun's  strength  has  dwindled 
down  to  South  Carolina  and  a  portion  of  North  Caro 
lina;  and  Colonel  Johnson's  to  Kentucky.  Even 
Arkansas  has  gone  for  Van  Buren.  Cass  has  but  little 
strength  anywhere,  even  in  Michigan.  Under  these 
circumstances,  the  path  of  duty  appeared  plain  to 
me,  after  long  and  deep  reflection;  and  although  a 
little  rugged,  I  determined  to  tread  it. 

I  should  have  consulted  some  of  my  friends,  and  you 
among  the  rest,  on  the  subject,  but  I  felt  confident 
there  would  be  conflicting  opinions,  which  must  have 
resulted  in  greater  embarrassment. 

I  can  form  no  opinion  in  regard  to  the  confirmation 
or  rejection  of  Mr.  Porter.  The  subject  has  been 
everywhere  discussed  except  among  Senators.  The 
Whigs  are  in  the  majority,  and  I  know  not  their  feelings. 

With  every  sentiment  of  gratitude  and  respect,  I 
remain 

Sincerely  your  friend, 

JAMES  BUCHANAN. 

J.  GLANCY  JONES,  ESQ. 


MR.  VAN  BUREN  109 

Mr.  Buchanan's  forecast  of  the  outcome  of  the 
Convention  did  not  prove  to  be  correct.  When 
the  Convention  met,  on  May  27,  1844,  Mr.  Van 
Buren  appeared  to  have  a  majority  of  the  dele 
gates,  but  though  he  seemed  to  maintain  his 
hold  upon  the  masses  of  the  party  with  wonderful 
tenacity,  it  was  soon  discovered  that  his  strength 
with  the  delegates  was  more  apparent  than  real. 
His  political  fortunes  had  gone  down  before  the 
"raccoon  and  hard  cider"  uprising  of  1840. 
Many  of  his  delegates  were  held  to  him  by  party 
discipline,  not  by  choice,  and  these  unwilling 
adherents  only  awaited  a  safe  opportunity  to 
show  what  their  real  feeling  toward  Mr.  Van 
Buren  was.  They  found  it  when  a  resolution 
was  offered  requiring  two -thirds  of  all  the  votes 
of  the  Convention  to  be  necessary  to  the  choice 
of  a  candidate.  This  resolution  was  adopted, 
and  with  it  Mr.  Van  Buren's  fate  was  sealed.  On 
the  first  ballot  he  received  151  votes,  seventeen 
more  than  a  majority  of  the  Convention.  Penn 
sylvania  voted  for  him,  under  instructions,  al 
though  some  of  its  delegates  had  previously  voted 
for  the  two-thirds  rule.  Still,  Mr.  Van  Buren's 
name  had  for  so  long  been  identified  with  the 
measures  of  General  Jackson's  administration, 
and  the  memories  of  the  struggles  and  triumphs 
of  that  administration  were  still  so  fresh  and  dear 
to  the  party,  that  a  strong,  real  sentiment  re 
mained  for  Mr.  Van  Buren.  It  seemed  like  part 
ing  with  General  Jackson  again  to  part  with  him. 


110  The  LIFE  of  J.  GLANCY  JONES 

When,  therefore,  Van  Buren's  name  was  with 
drawn,  the  unanimous  sentiment  of  the  Conven 
tion  turned  to  his  friend  James  K.  Polk  of  Ten 
nessee,  the  neighbor  and  friend  of  Jackson,  who 
had  been  a  supporter  of  Mr.  Van  Buren  and  had 
been  selected  by  his  friends  for  the  office  of  Vice- 
President  on  the  ticket  with  him.  Mr.  Polk  was 
unanimously  nominated  on  the  ninth  ballot,  and 
George  M.  Dallas  of  Pennsylvania  was  nomi 
nated  for  Vice-President.  Henry  Clay  and  Theo 
dore  Frelinghuysen  were  the  candidates  of  the 
Whig  party. 

The  political  questions  which  agitated  the  coun 
try  during  the  Presidential  campaign  of  1844  were 
the  tariff  and  the  annexation  of  Texas.  The 
Democrats  were  committed  to  the  admission  of 
Texas  into  the  Union,  and  the  Whigs  were  under 
stood  to  be  opposed  to  it.  Texas  was  at  that  time 
an  independent  State,  and  slavery  existed  within 
its  borders.  The  Whig  party  did  not  oppose  its 
admission  into  the  Union,  however,  because  it 
would  come  in  as  a  slave  State,  but  because  there 
was  a  dispute  between  Mexico  and  Texas  as  to  the 
boundary  line  between  the  two  countries ;  and  the 
Whigs  opposed  the  admission  of  Texas  upon  the 
ground  that  it  might  involve  the  country  in  a  war 
with  Mexico.  This  was  regarded  as  a  subterfuge 
by  the  abolitionists,  and  turned  many  of  them 
from  Mr.  Clay. 

It  was  the  second  time  that  the  opponents  of 
slavery  in  the  North  entered  a  Presidential  cam- 


The  CAMPAIGN  of  1844  111 

paign  as  an  organized  party.  James  G.  Birney  of 
Ohio  was  again  their  candidate,  and  received  a 
popular  vote  of  62,300.  Of  these  3,100  were  cast 
for  him  by  the  Quakers  of  Pennsylvania. 

Mr.  Jones  took  an  active  part  in  the  Presidential 
campaign  of  1844,  and  strongly  advocated  the 
election  of  Mr.  Polk.  His  speeches  upon  the  stump 
were  clear  and  forcible  presentations  of  the  issues 
involved,  and  brought  him  into  greater  promi 
nence  as  a  leader  of  men.  His  manner  of  speak 
ing  was  forcible,  direct,  eloquent,  and  convincing. 
He  appealed  to  the  intelligence  of  his  hearers, 
used  no  arts  that  were  calculated  to  mislead  or 
deceive  them,  and  won  their  confidence  and 
reached  their  convictions  by  his  practical  sagacity 
and  by  the  impression  his  own  candor  and  sin 
cerity  made  upon  their  minds.  He  was  always 
master  of  his  subject,  and  those  who  listened  to 
him  were  entertained  by  the  attractive  manner  in 
which  he  presented  it,  and  never  failed  to  be  en 
lightened  and  instructed  by  what  he  said.  His 
own  consistent  devotion  to  the  political  principles 
he  believed  in,  and  always  had  the  courage  to 
espouse  throughout  his  life,  gave  him  a  deserved 
influence  with  the  masses  of  the  people,  and  se 
cured  for  him  the  respect  of  his  adversaries. 

At  Easton  Mr:  Jones'  daughter  Katharine  was 
born. 

Though  he  was  successful  in  Easton  and  there 
had  been  inducements  at  the  time  which  led  him 
to  make  it  his  home,  he  remained  there  less  than 


112  The  LIFE  of  J.  CLANCY  JONES 

three  years.  He  was  deeply  attached  to  his  na 
tive  county  of  Berks.  Its  county-seat  of  Reading 
was  then  little  larger  than  Easton,  and  offered  no 
better  advantages,  in  the  judgment  of  some  of  his 
friends,  for  the  practice  of  his  profession,  but  to 
him  it  seemed  a  larger  and  more  congenial  field. 
Reading  and  Easton  were  in  the  same  judicial  dis 
trict — presided  over  by  the  same  judge.  Reading 
was  the  first  community  of  any  size  with  which  in 
his  youth  Mr.  Jones  had  become  familiar.  In  him 
the  influences  of  the  past  had  always  been  strong. 
He  had  always  taken  the  liveliest  interest  in  his 
Welsh  ancestors — in  the  romantic  region  about  the 
Conestoga  which  had  been  their  home,  and  in  the 
place  of  his  birth,  which  was  only  fourteen  miles 
away.  It  never  lost  its  charm  for  him.  Never  in 
his  frequent  visits  to  it  did  he  fail  to  derive  the 
keenest  pleasure  from  its  great  natural  beauty  and 
its  cherished  associations.  It  seemed  to  hold  a 
charm  for  him  that  he  found  nowhere  else.  To 
the  latest  day  of  his  life  his  thoughts  turned  to  it. 
He  imparted  this  interest  to  his  children,  who 
were  often  his  companions  in  his  pilgrimages  to  it 
over  the  Morgantown  road,  behind  a  span  of  spir 
ited  horses.  The  unalloyed  satisfaction  he  always 
got  out  of  his  visits  to  this  place  suggested  to  his 
children  that  his  youth  there  must  have  been  a 
very  happy  one.  So  on  the  last  day  of  the  year 
1844  ne  removed  with  his  family  to  Reading,  and 
was  admitted  to  the  bar  of  Berks  County,  Janu 
ary  7,  1845. 


REMOVES  to  READING  113 

Reading  at  that  time  was  a  borough  with  little 
more  than  eight  thousand  inhabitants.  The  jour 
ney  from  Easton  was  made  by  stage  through  Le- 
high  County,  down  the  Kutztown  road,  which 
ran  well  into  the  town,  then  for  two  or  three 
squares  along  Eighth  Street  to  Penn,  and  then 
down  Penn  to  the  Mansion  House  at  the  corner  of 
Fifth.  It  was  the  same  road  over  which  Wilkin 
son  carried  the  news  of  Burgoyne's  surrender  to 
the  Continental  Congress  at  York,  Pennsylvania. 
One  stage  was  more  than  large  enough  to  carry  all 
the  passengers.  The  borough  was  growing  rap 
idly,  but  it  still  retained  the  attractive  appearance 
of  an  old  colonial  country  town,  beautifully  situ 
ated  on  the  slope  between  the  foot  of  the  moun 
tain  and  the  bank  of  the  Schuylkill  River.  The 
new  Court  House  had  been  recently  built.  The 
county  jail  was  still  in  the  old  building  at  the  corner 
of  Fifth  and  Washington  streets.  The  old  brick 
market-houses  still  occupied  the  centre  of  Penn 
Square,  and  the  Academy  stood  on  Fourth  Street 
at  the  corner  of  the  first  alley  above.  It  was  not 
an  unusual  sight  to  see  along  the  main  street  a 
comfortable-looking  one-story  brick  dwelling  with 
a  steep,  moss-grown  roof.  Those  who  are  able  to 
contrast  the  old  borough  as  it  was  then  with  the 
large  city  Reading  has  since  grown  to  be  may  well 
wish  that  it  had  retained  many  of  the  graces  of 
those  early  days  that  have  been  lost. 


VOL.  1—8 


CHAPTER  IX. 

Mr.  Jones'  oration  at  the  memorial  services  of  Andrew  Jackson — 
Mr.  Jones'  early  life  in  Reading — His  success  at  the  bar — The 
German  population  of  Berks  County — Dissensions  in  the  Demo 
cratic  party — The  political  situation  when  Mr.  Jones  came  to 
Reading — His  influence  upon  it. 

THE  death  of  General  Jackson  took  place  at 
his  home  in  Tennessee  within  six  months 
after  Mr.  Jones  had  taken  up  his  residence 
in  Reading,  and  when  the  news  of  the  passing 
away  of  this  great  apostle  of  democracy  reached 
there,  it  produced  a  profound  impression  upon  the 
minds  of  the  people  of  the  town  and  county,  who 
had  always  been  his  admirers  and  devoted  ad 
herents.  A  town  meeting  was  held,  June  25,  1845, 
which  was  eloquently  addressed  by  Mr.  Jones,  and 
he  was  appointed  chairman  of  the  Committee  on 
Resolutions.  It  was  arranged  that  the  people 
should  show  their  devotion  to  General  Jackson 
and  their  respect  for  his  memory  by  a  funeral  pro 
cession  composed  of  the  military  and  citizens, 
and  that  an  oration  should  be  delivered  at  the 
Lutheran  church.  To  be  selected  to  deliver  this 
oration  was,  under  the  circumstances,  a  mark  of 
no  small  distinction.  With  unanimity  that  honor 
was  conferred  upon  Mr.  Jones.  On  the  day  fixed 
for  these  commemorative  exercises,  June  30,  1845, 

114 


ANDREW  JACKSON  115 

all  business  was  suspended,  and  the  bells  of  the 
churches   were   tolled    as   the   procession   moved 
through  the  streets  of  the  borough. 
Mr.  Jones'  oration  was  as  follows: 

MY  FELLOW  CITIZENS: 

This  day  has  been  set  apart  by  you  to  do  appro 
priate  honor  to  the  name  and  character  of  Andrew 
Jackson,  whose  recent  death  has  clothed  a  nation  in 
mourning.  Few  scenes  in  this  world  are  filled  with 
greater  sublimity  than  that  witnessed  in  the  pause  of 
millions  of  freemen  to  drop  a  tear  over  the  grave  of  a 
fellow  citizen  whose  life  has  been  devoted  to  their 
service :  a  scene  rendered  still  more  sublime  by  its 
being  voluntary — not  called  together  by  the  decree 
of  a  royal  successor,  to  do  honor  to  a  departed  royalty. 
The  nation  assembles,  prompted  by  the  spontaneous 
impulses  of  their  own  hearts,  to  bear  testimony  by 
their  public  acts  and  open  declarations  to  the  virtues 
of  a  great  and  good  man  who  has  fallen  in  their  midst. 

Republics  have  been  said  to  be  ungrateful  in  not 
rewarding  the  great  men  who  have  grown  gray  in  their 
service.  However  true  this  stale  remark  may  be  when 
applied  to  ancient  republics,  in  which  liberty  existed 
but  in  name,  it  has  no  application  whatever  to  ours. 
No  nation  on  earth  is  more  ready  to  relieve  the  wants 
and  reward  the  services  of  living  great,  or  to  do  honor 
to  their  names  when  dead. 

For  that  object,  and  with  these  views,  this  assem 
blage  has  been  convened,  to  do  honor  to  one  whose 
life  was  devoted  to  his  country,  and  in  whose  death 
a  rich  legacy  is  bequeathed  to  them  and  their  posterity. 

The   1 5th  day  of  March,  in  the  year   1767,  in  the 


116  The  LIFE  of  J.  CLANCY  JONES 

Waxhaw  settlement  and  State  of  South  Carolina,  gave 
birth  to  Andrew  Jackson.  It  is  one  of  the  distinguish 
ing  characteristics  of  our  republic  that  birth  makes  no 
distinction  among  her  citizens — that  whatever  dis 
crimination  the  God  of  nature,  for  wise  purposes 
known  to  himself,  may  make  in  the  intellectual  and 
physical  constitution  of  men,  none  in  our  land  is  made 
in  their  political  rights.  Free  as  the  air  of  heaven 
men  are  born.  With  the  avenues  of  wealth  and  power 
thrown  widely  open  before  them,  stimulated  by  noble 
examples,  allured  by  approving  posterity,  it  must  at 
least  be  conceded  that  if  men  do  not  rise  to  distinction 
and  enjoy  the  fullest  fruition  of  political  liberty,  it  is 
not  the  fault  of  the  system  of  our  government ;  and  in 
no  man's  life  have  these  truths  been  more  fully  real 
ized  than  in  the  birth,  success,  and  distinction  of 
Andrew  Jackson.  Of  his  parents  we  know  scarcely 
anything,  except  that,  prompted  by  that  love  of  free 
dom  which  the  God  of  heaven  has  planted  in  all  our 
bosoms,  they  forsook  the  firesides  of  their  forefathers 
and  the  endearments  of  home,  to  cast  their  lot  in  a 
land  which  was  even  then  regarded  as  free.  One  only 
of  these  was  spared  to  rear  the  family  of  three  sons; 
and  but  a  few  years  elapsed  when  of  father,  mother, 
and  three  sons  Andrew  alone  survived.  The  father  had 
fallen  an  early  victim  to  the  climate,  the  mother,  worn 
out  by  the  fatigues  and  privations  of  the  revolutionary 
struggle,  sank  into  a  premature  grave.  The  oldest 
brother  had  fallen  in  the  battle  of  Stono  Ferry;  the 
second  had  died  of  a  wound  inflicted  by  a  British 
officer  when  he  was  a  prisoner.  Thus,  at  an  early  age, 
was  left  fatherless  and  friendless  the  subject  of  our 
eulogy,  upon  the  cold  charities  of  the  world,  to  sink 


ANDREW  JACKSON  117 

as  all  had  done  before  him  who  were  of  the  same  blood 
— or  by  his  unaided  energies  to  rise  to  the  highest 
pinnacle  of  fame  in  the  annals  of  the  history  of  his 
country. 

He  had  entered  the  service  in  the  revolutionary 
war  at  the  early  age  of  fourteen,  and  after  being 
wounded  and  imprisoned,  and  suffering  his  full  share 
in  proportion  to  his  tender  years  in  that  fearful  con 
test,  he  was  compelled  at  its  close,  from  his  manner 
and  circumstances,  to  turn  his  attention  to  some  pur 
suit  for  his  support  and  maintenance.  A  few  years  of 
faithful  application  to  the  study  of  the  law  prepared 
him  for  admission  to  the  bar.  The  barrenness  of  the 
field  of  his  birth  together  with  his  enterprising  spirit 
soon  located  him  on  the  soil  of  what  is  now  the  State 
of  Tennessee — then  a  territory  but  recently  detached 
from  North  Carolina. 

There  a  field  opened,  ready  to  receive  him  and  give 
full  scope  to  his  talents:  he  was  elected  a  delegate  to  a 
convention  to  frame  a  constitution  for  the  State  of 
Tennessee,  then  about  to  be  admitted  into  the  Union. 
Soon  after  this,  he  was  sent  a  representative  to  Con 
gress,  thence  promoted  to  the  United  States  Senate, 
and  on  his  retiring  from  that  body  he  was  appointed 
a  judge  of  the  Supreme  Court  of  his  State.  In  each 
of  these  respective  spheres,  Jackson  was  distinguished 
for  those  traits  of  character  which  shone  so  conspicu 
ously  in  later  years  in  his  administration  of  the  general 
government. 

In  pronouncing  this  eulogium  at  your  request  upon 
this  great  man,  I  am  conscious  that  there  are  many 
here  who  differed  from  him  in  many  of  his  political 
opinions,  and  perhaps  withhold  their  approbation 


118  The  LIFE  of  J.  CLANCY  JONES 

from  most  of  the  prominent  acts  of  his  administration. 
But  all,  I  believe,  are  willing  cheerfully  to  award  to 
him  the  praise  due  to  an  honest  man,  a  brave  soldier, 
and  an  ardent  lover  of  his  country.  It  is  therefore  the 
duty  of  those  who,  like  myself,  have  yielded  their 
fullest  adherence  to  his  entire  course  from  the  first  to 
the  last  to  admit  that  now  is  not  the  time  nor  this  the 
occasion  to  express  those  feelings.  Our  duties  to-day 
are,  in  common  with  our  fellow  citizens,  to  unite  in 
one  general  flow  of  national  feeling  of  sorrow  for  the 
loss  we  have  sustained  in  the  death  of  a  great  and 
good  man. 

It  will,  however,  not  be  a  departure  from  this  line 
to  allude  to  the  peculiar  traits  of  character  in  which 
he  excelled  in  the  civil  sphere  to  which  I  have  just 
referred.  General  Jackson  was  never  distinguished 
as  a  public  speaker.  He  took  but  little  part  in  public 
debates,  and  had  a  lasting  abhorrence  of  political 
intrigue.  On  all  subjects  of  national  importance  his 
mind  was  made  up,  and  when  once  made  up,  nothing 
short  of  the  most  positive  conviction  of  error  could 
swerve  him  from  his  position.  Intimate  at  an  early 
period  with  that  distinguished  champion  of  free  prin 
ciples,  Thomas  Jefferson,  he  fully  concurred  with  him 
in  all  the  leading  measures  of  government.  A  lover  of 
freedom  and  universal  rights,  he  resisted  all  measures 
which  were  calculated  either  to  abridge  or  destroy 
them.  Viewing  the  expanse  of  this  wide  domain  as 
the  chosen  theatre  upon  which  the  capacity  of  men  for 
self-government  was  to  be  demonstrated  to  the  world, 
he  steadily  resisted  the  increase  of  corporate  powers 
and  monopolies,  as  tending,  in  his  judgment,  to  de 
feat  that  grand  desideratum,  and  at  all  times  and  in 


ANDREW  JACKSON  119 

all  places  contributed  the  whole  strength  of  his  influ 
ence  and  character  to  an  extension  of  the  doctrines  of 
political  equality.  No  man  that  ever  lived  had  in 
scribed  deeper  in  his  heart  the  political  axiom  of  the 
Declaration  of  Independence:  "We  hold  these  truths 
to  be  self-evident,  that  all  men  are  born  free  and 
equal"— that  the  powers  and  immunities  of  govern 
ment,  its  rights  and  privileges,  should  be  distributed 
with  a  liberal  hand  to  all  alike,  and  that  no  distinctions 
should  exist,  except  the  enviable  one,  to  him  who  had 
done  the  greatest  service  to  his  country  and  his  fellow 
men. 

He  had  at  an  early  period  been  selected  as  Major- 
General  of  the  militia  of  the  State  in  which  he  lived, 
and  in  this  capacity  laid  the  foundation  of  his  death 
less  fame.  Never  while  liberty  is  loved  and  men  are 
free  can  the  heart  cease  to  beat  in  sympathy  with  the 
honored  dead  who  when  living  offered  upon  the  altars 
of  their  country  their  own  blood  for  its  welfare.  Is 
there  a  heart  in  this  whole  assembly  so  cold,  so  dead, 
as  not  to  beat  with  the  warmest  impulses  that  hearts 
can  feel,  for  those  who  in  perils  of  war  and  adversity 
have  hazarded  all  for  their  country's  glory?  Green 
be  their  laurels,  and  honored  be  their  names  in  Ameri 
can  hearts,  while  liberty  is  known  and  loved  among 
them. 

(CFour  successive  victories  against  the  hostile  Indians 
of  the  Creek  nation,  achieved  in  1813-14,  led  to  his 
being  commissioned  by  the  General  Government  as  a 
Major-General  in  the  army  of  the  United  States.  The 
peculiar  hardships  of  the  early  settlers  of  our  country 
have  now  become  matter  of  history;  of  the  many 
millions  who  now  participate  in  the  blessings  of  our 


120  The  LIFE  of  J.  CLANCY  JONES 

favored  land  and  political  institutions,  few,  very  few 
have  a  personal  recollection  of  the  days  that  tried 
men's  souls,  and  with  those  personal  recollections 
have  died,  to  a  great  extent,  that  vivid  sense  which 
our  forefathers  had  of  the  great  and  invaluable  services 
of  those  men  to  their  country  who  sacrificed  every 
thing  for  its  welfare.  Garnished  by  the  brilliant  style 
of  the  historian,  the  horrid  scenes  of  carnage  and 
blood  upon  the  battle-field  become  topics  of  intense 
interest  to  the  buoyant  youth  as  he  pores  over  the 
fancy  sketch.  As  the  groans  of  the  dying  are  hushed 
in  the  thrilling  tones  of  martial  music,  so  the  bleeding 
hearts  of  widowed  mothers  and  orphan  children,  as 
they  mourn  over  the  mangled  corpse  of  a  beloved 
husband  or  affectionate  father,  are  obscured  in  that 
bright  halo  which  surrounds  the  head  of  the  hero  of 
the  day.  A  line,  or  a  page  at  most,  consigns  faithful 
thousands  to  a  common  grave ;  while  volumes  scarce 
suffice  to  do  honor  to  the  military  chieftain.  The 
hero,  therefore,  never  suffers,  even  with  posterity. 

The  horrors  of  war  were  rendered  doubly  horrible 
when  the  enemy  to  be  contended  with  was  the  rude, 
uncultivated,  and  sanguinary  savage,  thirsting  for  the 
white  man's  blood  and  sparing  in  the  sweep  of  destruc 
tion  neither  women  nor  children.  It  was  just  such 
foes  and  such  dangers  that  the  brave  Jackson  was 
called  on  to  meet  and  endure  for  the  protection  of  the 
lives  and  property  of  his  fellow  citizens,  and  it  is  for 
such  services  that  he  is  entitled  to  the  lasting  gratitude 
of  the  present  and  succeeding  generations,  who  reap 
the  benefits  of  his  self-sacrificing  spirit.  A  field  of 
still  greater  glory  awraited  him;  enough  had  been  done, 
but  higher  honors  were  in  store  and  larger  fields  for 


ANDREW  JACKSON  121 

the  display  of  military  prowess,  of  bold  design,  of  iron 
nerve,  of  undaunted  courage.  The  crisis  was  approach 
ing  when  all  these  high  qualities  would  find  full  scope, 
and  bring  unfading  honor  to  the  American  arms  and 
boundless  fame  to  its  noble  chieftain.  The  insolence 
and  repeated  aggressions  of  the  British  had  led  to  a 
declaration  of  war — that  wily  natural  enemy  of  Amer 
ica  and  American  institutions  had  continued  its  en 
croachments  until  endurance  could  no  longer  be  thought 
of.  The  war  had  progressed  to  the  close  of  the  year 
1814,  when  an  army  of  9000  British  regulars,  flushed 
with  recent  victories  over  the  French,  approached  the 
city  of  New  Orleans,  with  the  design  of  laying  it  in 
ruins  and  penetrating  the  heart  of  the  country  by  the 
Mississippi.  Jackson  had  been  ordered  to  the  South, 
and  arrived  at  New  Orleans  for  its  defence  on  the 
first  of  December,  1814,  at  the  head  of  3700  militia. 
The  time  which  elapsed  from  the  first  of  December 
to  the  8th  day  of  January,  1815,  was  occupied  fully 
in  making  those  preparations  which  terminated  on 
that  memorable  day  so  gloriously  for  the  American 
cause,  and  so  disastrously  to  British  pride  and  power. 
It  is  utterly  impossible  for  me,  in  the  brief  space 
allotted,  to  give  even  more  than  a  passing  notice  of 
this  great  military  achievement.  It  has  been  univer 
sally  conceded  that  the  plan,  arrangement,  and  execu 
tion  of  this  battle  were  such  as  to  establish  the  reputa 
tion  of  General  Jackson's  military  talents  beyond  all 
controversy.  Generals  abroad  have  awarded  to  him 
the  honor  of  possessing  all  those  higher  qualities  which 
are  necessary  to  constitute  a  great  captain;  but  the 
highest  honors,  and  the  greatest  reward,  lay  in  the 
unbounded  gratitude  of  a  free  people  for  his  great 


122  The  LIFE  of  J.  CLANCY  JONES 

achievement  in  breaking  the  proud  spirit  of  a  haughty 
nation,  odious,  in  every  sense,  to  the  American  people. 
In  the  year  1819  he  was  despatched  to  Florida  to 
attend  to  the  Southern  frontier,  where  he  rendered 
efficient  services,  and  after  the  change  of  flags  was 
appointed  first  Governor  of  Florida.  In  1824  he  was 
nominated  for  the  Presidency;  and  although  he  had 
the  highest  vote  of  the  four  candidates  in  the  field, 
yet  in  consequence  of  the  election  having  gone  to  the 
House  of  Representatives,  he  was  defeated.  In  1828 
and  1832  he  was  elected  by  large  majorities  to  the 
chief  magistracy  of  the  nation ;  and  during  this  stormy 
period  in  our  national  history  he  administered  the 
government  in  such  a  manner  as  to  secure  the  unlimited 
confidence  of  a  large  majority  of  his  constituents,  a 
confidence  that  has  followed  him  to  his  grave,  and, 
now  that  he  is  dead,  exhibits  itself  throughout  our 
land  in  a  genuine  sorrow  surpassed  by  none  but  that 
for  the  father  of  his  country.  During  his  administra 
tion,  it  was  the  good  fortune  of  General  Jackson  to 
promulge  sentiments  which,  amidst  all  the  fierce 
partisan  contests  of  the  day,  met  with  almost  universal 
approval.  Such  were  his  firm  resolution  to  preserve 
the  Union  at  all  hazards,  his  famous  proclamation  to 
the  Nullifiers  of  the  South,  and  his  determination  to 
coerce  the  French  into  a  fulfilment  of  their  treaties, 
even  at  the  risk  of  war.  His  course  in  relation  to  the 
charter  of  the  United  States  Bank  was  one  which  did 
not  at  the  time  secure  to  him  even  the  adherence  of 
all  his  friends,  and  a  large  body  of  our  citizens  even 
yet  disapprove  of  that  act.  This  is  not  the  time  to 
allude  to  matters  on  which  we  differ  in  opinion,  but 
even  those  who  differ  from  us  will  not  object  to  the 


ANDREW  JACKSON  123 

declaration  that  in  all  his  struggles  to  defeat  the  Bank 
he  was  governed  by  a  desire  to  benefit  his  country; 
it  was  because  he  regarded  it  as  inimical  to  the  institu 
tions  of  a  free  country  that  he  used  all  his  energy  to 
exhaust  its  power.  In  all  his  vetoes  and  proclamations 
these  sentiments  were  proclaimed;  and  in  all  the 
strictures  that  I  have  seen,  his  opposition  was  ascribed 
to  wrong  views,  and  not  to  bad  motives  or  selfish 
designs.  The  great  mass  of  those  who  differed  with 
him  believed  and  said  that  it  was  error  of  judgment 
and  a  want  of  correct  views  of  the  nature  of  our  politi 
cal  institutions,  and  not  a  design  either  to  strengthen 
his  popularity  or  to  benefit  himself.  In  this  difference 
of  opinion  many  continue  to  the  present  day,  and  it  is 
too  early  yet  to  pass  judgment  generally  upon  these 
acts.  Posterity,  which  rarely  errs,  when  the  cold 
grave  has  chilled  the  passions  of  his  contemporaries 
and  all  personal  considerations  shall  be  hushed  in  the 
silent  tomb — then  will  posterity,  taking  a  calm  survey 
of  all  his  acts,  enter  the  final  judgment,  from  which 
there  will  be  no  appeal.  It  would  take  volumes  alone 
to  review  the  many  important  measures  which  were 
agitated  during  his  administration  of  eight  years ; 
that  will  be  the  task  of  the  historian. 

After  the  close  of  his  administration,  he  retired  to 
the  scenes  of  his  early  life — the  peaceful  and  quiet 
shades  of  the  Hermitage,  a  rural  site  about  ten  miles 
from  Nashville,  in  the  State  of  Tennessee.  This  was 
the  opening  scene  of  his  early  labors,  and  it  was  des 
tined  also  to  be  the  closing  one  of  his  eventful  life. 
On  Sunday,  the  8th  of  June,  1845,  God  took  from  this 
world  a  spirit  which  He  had  destined  to  act  a  con 
spicuous  part  on  the  stage  of  life  and  stamp  the  im- 


124  The  LIFE  of  J.  CLANCY  JONES 

press  of  his  mighty  mind  upon  the  minds  of  his  fellow- 
men  to  the  latest  posterity.  On  a  newly  discovered 
continent,  a  people  just  budding  into  vigorous  national 
existence,  their  institutions  founded  upon  national 
liberty,  designed  to  be  the  political  asylum  of  all 
nations,  having  received  its  first  impulse  from  the 
father  of  his  country,  the  pure  and  virtuous  Washing 
ton — on  these  institutions,  yet  in  their  plastic  state, 
the  mind  of  the  great  and  good  Jackson  has  made  an 
impress  deep  and  broad,  and  as  durable  as  time  itself. 
His  is  the  pencil  of  a  mighty  spirit,  engraving  its  own 
image  on  the  national  mind;  it  exists  not  merely  in 
monuments  of  stone  or  in  books,  but  lives  and  flows 
and  acts  and  reacts  with  the  intellect  of  the  nation— 
a  monument  durable  as  time,  durable  as  eternity 
itself. 

General  Jackson  was  a  Christian.  Although  des 
tined  to  tread  the  thorny  path  of  high  political  excite 
ment,  chafed  and  goaded  by  well  organized  and  active 
opposition,  he  never  in  all  his  acts  lost  sight  of  his 
entire  dependence  upon  the  God  of  heaven  and  earth, 
and  always  recognized  His  providential  superintend 
ence  of  our  national  existence.  The  latter  part  of  his 
days,  after  being  relieved  from  the  duties  of  public 
life,  were  devoted  almost  entirely  to  religious  duties, 
and  he  died  in  the  full  faith  and  open  declaration  of 
his  hope  of  a  blessed  immortality,  through  the  faith 
of  his  Divine  Redeemer,  where  he  expected  to  meet 
in  equal  fellowship  every  grade  and  every  complexion 
of  color.  One  of  the  latest  acts  of  his  life  was  his 
plain  and  unostentatious  letter  to  Com.  Elliott,  declin 
ing  the  proffered  honor  of  his  grateful  countrymen  in 
presenting  him  with  a  sarcophagus  in  which  to  deposit 


ANDREW  JACKSON  125 

his  earthly  remains.  "I  cannot  consent,"  said  he, 
"that  my  mortal  body  shall  be  laid  in  a  repository 
prepared  for  an  Emperor  or  a  King.  My  republican 
feelings  and  principles  forbid  it.  The  simplicity  of  our 
system  of  government  forbids  it. — I  have  prepared  an 
humble  repository  beside  that  wherein  lies  my  beloved 
wife,  where  without  any  pomp  or  parade  I  have  re 
quested,  when  my  God  calls  me  to  sleep  with  my 
fathers,  to  be  laid — there  to  remain  till  the  last  trumpet 
sounds,  when  we,  I  hope,  shall  rise  together,  clothed 
in  that  heavenly  body  promised  to  all  who  believe  in 
our  glorious  Redeemer."  Noble  sentiment  to  fall  from 
the  lips  of  a  dying  hero  and  a  man  of  war  from  his 
youth,  who  had  reached  the  highest  pinnacle  of  earthly 
fame  and  renown ! 

Such  was  Andrew  Jackson,  whose  death  we  in  com 
mon  with  our  countrymen  mourn  this  day.  Mortally 
he  is  gone,  but  his  spirit  and  example  will  never 
leave  us. 


At  Reading  Mr.  Jones'  son  James  Glancy  was 
born. 

Mr.  Jones  had  come  to  Reading  almost  a  stran 
ger.  Although  he  was  born  within  fourteen  miles 
of  the  town  and  had  lived  in  the  county  until  he 
had  grown  to  manhood,  and  his  ancestors  in  an 
unbroken  line  had  lived  there  for  a  century  before 
him,  he  had  few  if  any  acquaintances  in  Reading. 
His  ancestors,  as  we  have  seen,  were  among  the 
earliest  settlers  of  the  county — indeed,  had  settled 
within  what  are  now  its  borders  twenty  years  be 
fore  the  county  was  formed,  and  some  of  them 


126  The  LIFE  of  J.  CLANCY  JONES 

almost  within  sight  of  the  place  where  Reading 
was  afterwards  laid  out.  The  people,  however, 
in  the  Conestoga  Valley,  along  the  southern  bor 
der  of  the  county,  lived  very  much  to  themselves. 
Though  in  one  sense  Reading  was  near,  in  another 
it  was  far  removed.  The  waters  of  the  Conestoga 
were  not  tributary  to  the  Schuylkill,  but  ran 
through  the  Susquehanna  River  into  Chesapeake 
Bay.  The  people  along  the  Conestoga  were  more 
intimate  with  their  neighbors  on  the  other  side  of 
the  Welsh  Mountain.  They  carried  on  their  in 
tercourse  with  the  outside  world  through  the  stage 
lines  to  Philadelphia  and  the  convenient  Cones- 
toga  wagons.  There  was  very  little  to  take  them 
to  Reading.  They  were  separated  from  it  by  the 
sandy  roads  and  the  faulty  lands  of  "The  Forest." 

When  Mr.  Jones  entered  upon  the  practice  of  the 
law  in  Reading,  the  early  associations  of  his  family 
with  the  county  were  of  little  or  no  service  to  him. 
The  townships  from  which  he  came  were  English- 
speaking  townships.  Reading,  though  it  had 
been  laid  out  by  the  Penns,  was  settled  by  Ger 
mans.  "  Pennsylvania  Dutch ' '  was  chiefly  spoken 
there.  There  was  little  or  no  intercourse  between 
these  widely  dissimilar  sections  of  the  county, 
which  had  been  settled  by  people  differing  very 
largely  from  each  other  in  their  personal  char 
acteristics,  habits,  and  tastes. 

Mr.  Jones  was  well  equipped  with  ability,  ener 
gy,  perseverance,  culture,  strength  of  character, 
and  ambition.  To  these  were  added  fluency  of 


PERSONAL  QUALITIES  127 

speech,  ready  command  of  language,  a  warm 
heart,  good  manners,  and  an  attractive  personality. 
With  these  he  made  his  way  in  life  single-handed 
and  alone,  without  the  assistance  of  either  wealth 
or  influence.  The  force  of  his  character  mani 
fested  itself  strongly,  as  a  young  man,  in  every 
phase  of  his  varied  experiences.  It  enabled  him 
to  work  out  his  destiny  successfully,  and  to  solve 
the  many  problems  which  confronted  him  in  all 
the  diversified  situations  in  which  he  found  him 
self  placed.  From  the  time  he  left  the  Conestoga 
Valley  until  he  became  permanently  established 
in  Reading,  these  situations  were  more  difficult, 
more  varied,  and  more  extended  than  those  that 
fall  to  the  lot  of  most  young  men  before  they  are 
thirty.  But  no  matter  how  complicated  and  dis 
couraging,  how  far  apart  and  difficult  those  situa 
tions  were,  he  was  able  by  sheer  courage  and  re 
sourcefulness  to  work  his  way  successfully  through 
them  and  go  on  from  one  to  another  with  credit, 
until  he  found  himself  at  last  upon  firmer  ground 
and  the  future  lay  more  clearly  before  him.  When 
he  encountered  the  obstacles,  disappointments, 
and  discouragements  of  life,  he  had  the  courage, 
the  character,  the  patience,  and  the  perseverance 
to  overcome  them. 

It  is  rare  to  find  so  many  of  the  elements  of 
success  in  life  united  in  one  man  as  were  united  in 
him.  A  man  who  was  less  fortunate  in  their  pos 
session  than  he  was  would  not  have  been  able  to 
go  on  to  final  success,  as  he  did,  through  the  dis- 


128  The  LIFE  of  }.  CLANCY  JONES 

advantages  and  hinderances  he  encountered  in  the 
shape  of  a  profession  that  was  unsuited  to  him, 
which  had  diverted  the  force  of  his  earlier  efforts, 
had  occupied  the  earlier,  adolescent  years  of  his 
life,  and  had  detained  him  in  other  and  distant 
fields.  He  was  not  able  to  carry  the  work  he  had 
accomplished  in  these  widely  separated  fields  into 
the  new  one  where  his  life-work  was  accomplished, 
and  to  avail  himself  of  its  advantages  there.  He 
brought  his  experience  with  him;  all  the  rest  was 
lost.  He  had  to  begin  anew  at  thirty-four  years 
of  age.  But  that  experience  had  given  him 
strength  and  encouragement,  the  strength  that 
comes  of  good  work  already  accomplished,  the 
encouragement  that  comes  to  one  who  has  tried 
and  has  not  failed.  It  made  him  more  resource 
ful.  His  sound  moral  faculties  had  been  trained 
and  developed  by  the  gentle  discipline  of  his  call 
ing.  His  knowledge  of  the  world  had  been  broad 
ened  by  his  contact  with  it,  by  his  travels  and  his 
residence  among  people  differing  essentially  in 
thought  and  habit  from  the  people  of  his  native 
county;  but  the  associations  he  had  formed,  the 
friendships  he  had  made,  the  reputation  he  had 
established,  and  the  foothold  he  had  gained,  were 
all  left  behind  him. 

And  all  this  was  due  to  the  very  natural  mis 
take  that  had  been  made  by  Mr.  Jones'  friends 
while  he  was  still  a  boy  in  the  Conestoga  Valley, 
by  choosing  for  him  an  unsuitable  profession. 
They  did  what  they  thought  best,  with  an  earnest 


EARLY  LIFE  in  READING  129 

desire  for  his  welfare,  by  the  faint  lights  they  had 
to  guide  them;  but  what  they  did  proved,  as  we 
can  now  clearly  see,  to  be  an  untoward  circum 
stance,  which,  instead  of  advancing,  diverted  for 
a  time  from  its  regular  channel  the  course  of  his  life. 
It  was  no  easy  matter,  with  the  limited  oppor 
tunities  that  out-of-the-way  place  afforded,  to 
settle  the  future  of  a  boy  who  was  too  young  to 
give  any  definite  indication  of  the  scope  of  his 
powers.  By  the  best  lights  they  had,  the  proper 
place  for  him  seemed  undoubtedly  to  be  the 
Church ;  but  if  they  had  chosen  for  him  instead  the 
profession  of  the  law,  he  would  probably  have 
entered  the  office  of  Marks  John  Biddle  or  some 
other  learned  preceptor  in  Reading  as  soon  as  he 
left  Kenyon,  and  in  that  case  he  would  have 
started  out  in  his  professional  career  there  ten 
years  earlier,  instead  of  coming  to  it,  as  he  did, 
through  his  large  experience  elsewhere.  In  that 
event,  however,  many  of  the  valuable  incidents 
of  his  early  life  would  probably  have  been  changed. 
Brightened  rather  than  worn,  however,  by  the 
attrition  of  a  life  which  had  not  been  without  its 
hardships,  trials,  and  struggles,  in  his  college  days 
in  what  was  then  the  far  West,  in  the  missionary 
fields  of  New  Jersey,  and  in  a  distant  Territory  of 
the  far  South,  in  the  change  of  one  learned  pro 
fession  for  another,  and  in  a  brief  but  successful 
effort  at  the  bar  of  an  adjoining  county,  he  came, 
full  of  hope  and  vigor,  with  almost  heroic  forti 
tude,  out  of  a  life  that  had  already  been  filled  with 

VOL.  1—9 


130  The  LIFE  of  J.  CLANCY  JONES 

effort  and  achievement,  to  enter  upon  the  last 
and  most  successful  epoch  in  his  career.  His  ex 
perience,  however,  had  not  been  lost.  It  was  of 
value  in  the  growth  and  development  it  had 
brought  him.  He  had  mastered  the  two  learned 
professions  of  law  and  theology  before  he  was 
thirty  years  of  age.  All  his  faculties  were  in  their 
prime.  If  his  task  was  made  more  difficult  by  the 
fact  that  all  his  efforts  up  to  that  time  had  been 
in  other  directions,  that  difficulty  did  not  discour 
age  him.  It  only  called  into  action  the  reserved 
resources  of  his  character,  which  made  him  equal 
to  every  demand  that  was  made  upon  him. 

Success  attended  his  efforts  from  the  start.  His 
rise  to  influence  and  position  was  rapid.  To  a 
friend  he  wrote  in  1847 :  "I  have  as  full  a  practice 
as  I  could  wish  before  me.  I  have  labored  assidu 
ously  to  effect  certain  results  here,  and  thank  God 
I  have  failed  in  none,  not  one.  I  yet  retain  my 
integrity  of  being  no  applicant  for  office;  am  sur 
rounded  with  a  body  of  friends  that  would  flatter 
most  men,  with  as  fine  a  professional  field  before 
me  as  I  could  reasonably  desire."  Indeed,  his  life 
had  been  fortunate  from  the  very  start,  but  that 
good  fortune  was  attributable  more  to  the  re 
markable  qualities  of  the  man  than  to  any  fortui 
tous  circumstances  in  his  surroundings.  He  had 
done  good  and  successful  work  wherever  he  had 
been.  There  were  at  that  time  strong  men  of 
ability  and  culture  at  the  Berks  County  bar,  and 
he  acquitted  himself  with  distinction  in  his  con- 


The  GERMANS  131 

tentions  with  them  in  the  argument  and  trial  of 
his  causes. 

His  friend  Mr.  Buchanan  had  become  Secretary 
of  State  in  the  Cabinet  of  Mr.  Polk.  Writing  to 
him  from  Washington,  Mr.  Buchanan  said:  "  From 
the  numerous  inquiries  I  have  made,  I  am  happy 
to  learn  that  you  are  rapidly  succeeding  at  the  bar 
of  Reading,  and  I  have  never  yet  known  that  public 
man  who  had  abandoned  his  profession  for  politics, 
before  he  had  accumulated  something  like  a  com 
petency,  that  did  not  regret  his  course.  There  is  a 
tide  in  the  affairs  of  men,  and  I  am  glad  to  believe 
that  you  are  now  floating  along  to  fortune.  With 
the  support  of  the  Democracy  of  Old  Berks,  and 
with  your  ability  and  energy,  you  can  choose  your 
time  for  coming  to  Congress,  which  would  open  to 
you  the  appropriate  field  for  distinction  and  future 
honors." 

The  county  of  Berks  was  thoroughly  Democratic. 
Its  sturdy  German  population  was  strongly  im 
bued  with  the  principles  of  the  Democratic  party 
as  inculcated  by  Jefferson  and  expounded  by 
Andrew  Jackson.  Nowhere  had  the  social  and 
political  revolution  that  carried  General  Jackson 
so  triumphantly  into  the  Presidency  taken  deeper 
root  than  in  the  stolid  conservatism  of  the  German 
people  of  Berks  County.  Simple  in  their  tastes 
and  habits,  immobile,  of  sluggish  temperament, 
they  adhered  with  rare  fidelity  to  the  principles 
and  customs  of  their  ancestors.  They  had  no 
impatient,  restless  desire  for  change.  There  was 


132  The  LIFE  of  J.  CLANCY  JONES 

no  strain  of  fanaticism  in  them.  They  could  not, 
perhaps,  be  called  progressive;  they  preferred  the 
safe  order  of  established  things  to  the  restless  un 
certainty  of  new  ideas  and  the  disturbing  trend  of 
innovation.  They  laid  no  great  store  by  the  novel 
ties,  either  political  or  religious  (the  product  of 
strained  intellectual  activity),  which  took  such 
strong  hold  upon  other  communities  about  them. 
They  preferred  to  hold  fast  to  sound,  established 
doctrines.  Their  unswerving  adherence  to  these 
was  so  exceptional  that  it  secured  for  them,  and 
for  the  county  in  which  they  lived,  a  reputation 
for  conservatism  and  consistency  that  extended 
throughout  the  whole  country.  This  splendid 
conservatism  was  nowhere  more  justly  recognized 
than  it  was  among  those  who  differed  with  them, 
when  they  paid  them  a  great  compliment,  under 
the  disguise  of  a  sneer,  by  declaring  that  they  con 
tinued  to  vote  for  General  Jackson  for  many  years 
after  he  was  dead. 

It  can  easily  be  understood  how  the  confidence 
of  such  a  people,  once  acquired,  was  not  easily  lost. 
They  were  a  plain  people,  setting  little  store  by 
their  own  culture,  but  keen  of  insight  into  the 
character  and  culture  of  others.  They  were 
shrewd,  honest,  truthful,  and  industrious,  and 
though  thrifty  were  open-handed  in  their  hospital 
ity.  Their  word  was  as  good  as  their  bond.  The 
many  churches  among  them  bore  testimony  to  the 
faithful  performance  of  their  religious  duties,  as 
did  their  houses,  barns,  stock,  and  crops  to  the 


DISORGANIZERS  133 

stability,  care,  and  prosperity  of  this  honest,  faith 
ful  people. 

Still,  there  exists  in  the  fabric  of  all  communities 
some  loose  fibre.  No  matter  how  strong  and 
tough  the  warp  and  the  woof  may  be,  there  are 
apt  to  be  some  faulty  threads  woven  into  the  web. 
The  frailties  of  human  nature  will  not  permit  it  to 
be  otherwise.  No  matter  how  sturdy  and  reliable 
the  general  character  of  a  people  may  be,  there 
will  always  be  found  among  them  some  shifting 
and  uncertain  spirits,  elements  of  discord,  who  by 
reason  of  their  weakness  and  instability  get  be 
yond  control.  It  was  so  in  the  organization  of  the 
Democratic  party  of  Berks  County.  When  a  line 
of  policy  was  mapped  out  by  it,  there  were  often 
to  be  found  restless,  dissatisfied  individuals  who, 
from  one  motive  or  another,  preferred  something 
else.  They  were  always  the  uncertain  quantity 
upon  which  no  dependence  was  to  be  placed. 
Though  professing  adherence  to  the  party,  they 
could  not  be  relied  upon  to  support  its  measures 
or  its  men.  If  the  regular  nominees  of  the  party 
were  not  the  men  they  preferred,  these  intractable 
spirits  would  not  hesitate  to  set  the  will  of  the  ma 
jority  at  defiance,  even  though  the  candidates 
chosen  were  the  very  best  that  could  have  been 
named.  This  was  due  partly  to  their  intractable 
grain,  partly  to  their  selfishness,  partly  to  covet  - 
ousness,  and  partly  to  the  arts  of  demagogues. 

These  dissensions  in  the  ranks  of  the  party  were 
the  more  formidable  because  they  were  encouraged 


134  The  LIFE  of  ].  GLANCY  JONES 

and  strengthened  by  the  Whig  party,  which  was 
willing  to  abandon  its  own  organization  in  the 
hope  that  by  joining  their  forces  to  a  faction  they 
might  secure  some  advantage  over  their  powerful 
political  adversaries.  Thus  in  1843,  on  the  eve  of 
the  important  Presidential  campaign  of  1844,  a 
number  of  these  dissatisfied  Democrats  united  in 
their  opposition  to  the  " delegate  system"  by 
nominating  candidates  for  office  at  a  mass-meet 
ing  held  at  Molltown,  which  was  known  as  the 
"  Molltown  ticket."  Some  of  the  candidates  upon 
this  ticket  were  elected  by  a  majority  of  nearly 
four  hundred  votes.  Another  faction,  that  disap 
proved  of  Governor  Porter's  adherence  to  the 
administration  of  President  Tyler,  who  had  named 
the  Governor's  brother,  James  M.  Porter,  as  Secre 
tary  of  War,  met  at  Colonel  Lindsay's  tavern  in 
Lower  Heidelberg  Township  and  nominated  an 
other  ticket,  headed  by  William  Hain,  of  Cumru 
Township,  for  Congress.  By  these  factional  dis 
sensions  in  the  party,  the  majority  of  John  Ritter, 
the  regular  Democratic  candidate  for  Congress, 
was  reduced  to  517. 

This  was  the  condition  of  the  organization 
of  the  Democratic  party  in  Berks  County  when 
Mr.  Jones  came  upon  the  scene,  in  December, 
1844.  The  party  had  able  leaders,  most  of  whom 
were  friendly  to  Simon  Cameron,  who  had  been 
elected  to  the  United  States  Senate  to  fill  the  va 
cancy  caused  by  the  resignation  of  Mr.  Buchanan 
when  he  assumed  the  duties  of  Secretary  of  State 


POLITICAL  CONDITIONS  135 

under  President  Polk,  and  were  favorable  to  the 
elevation  of  General  Cass  to  the  Presidency.  Mr. 
Jones,  as  we  have  seen,  was  the  personal  and  polit 
ical  friend  of  Mr.  Buchanan.  As  the  political  senti 
ment  of  the  party  in  the  county  was  strongly 
colored  by  the  unanimity  of  the  leaders  in  favor 
of  General  Cass,  and  against  the  aspirations  of  Mr. 
Buchanan,  it  would  naturally  be  supposed  that  a 
young  stranger  coming  into  the  county  and  in 
tending  to  enter  the  arena  of  its  politics  would, 
from  motives  of  expediency,  have  hesitated  long 
before  he  antagonized  this  uniform  public  senti 
ment,  and  would  much  more  naturally  have  fallen 
in  line  with  the  fixed  condition  of  things  as  he 
found  them.  It  might  have  been  so  with  a  man 
who  lacked  the  independence  of  Mr.  Jones  and 
was  less  true  to  his  convictions  and  his  friendships ; 
but  it  was  not  true  of  him.  He  did  not  stop  to 
calculate  what  the  consequences  might  be  to  him 
self  and  his  advancement,  but  from  the  beginning 
he  openly  avowed  his  preference  for  Mr.  Buchanan 
and  continued  to  advocate  his  claims. 

It  was  not  natural  that  the  men  who  were  then 
prominent  as  leaders  in  the  party  should  be  con 
tent  to  see  the  leadership  pass  into  the  hands  of  a 
young  man  who  had  so  recently  become  a  resident 
of  the  county,  nor  that  they  should  readily  con 
sent  that  the  support  of  a  county  which  had  a 
national  reputation  for  its  fealty  to  Democratic 
principles  should  be  given  to  a  Presidential  candi 
date  who,  if  successful,  would  give  them  no  recog- 


136  The  LIFE  of  J.  CLANCY  JONES 

nition.  Mr.  Jones,  therefore,  at  the  very  outset  of 
his  career  found  himself  at  variance  upon  this 
issue  with  the  leaders  of  the  party  in  the  county; 
yet  before  the  Presidential  election  of  1852  came 
round,  he  was  able  to  modify  this  sentiment  to 
such  an  extent  that  the  County  Convention  re 
fused  to  express  a  preference  for  General  Cass,  but 
sent  a  delegation  to  the  State  Convention  without 
instructions. 

Mr.  Jones,  by  his  sagacity,  his  energy,  his  abil 
ity,  his  high  character,  and  his  amiable  personal 
qualities,  had  gained  a  strong  hold  upon  the  re 
spect  and  confidence  of  this  conservative  people. 
And  the  hold  he  had  acquired  upon  them  was  due 
to  his  merits  alone.  He  had  nothing  of  race  or 
language  in  common  with  them.  The  way  to 
their  confidence  and  support  had  not  been  made 
easier  for  him  by  the  suasive  power  of  racial  par 
tiality,  as  it  had  been  for  many  men  who  had 
been  advanced  to  positions  of  prominence  by  the 
Germans  of  Pennsylvania. 


CHAPTER  X. 

Mr.  Jones  becomes  a  leader  in  the  local  events  of  Reading — Is 
appointed  Deputy  Attorney-General  for  Berks  County — The 
Democratic  National  Convention  of  1848 — The  nomination  of 
Lewis  Cass  for  the  Presidency — Mr.  Jones  is  appointed  chairman 
of  the  Democratic  State  Central  Committee — His  address. 

DURING  these  early  years  of  Mr.  Jones'  resi 
dence  in  Reading,  we  find  him  the  same 
public-spirited  citizen  he  had  been  in 
Easton,  taking  a  lively  interest  in  everything  that 
affected  the  public  welfare  and  in  all  events  of  a 
public  character,  as  they  transpired,  in  which  the 
interest  of  the  people  was  awakened.  He  occu 
pied  the  position  of  a  leader  to  whom  the  people 
turned  whenever  their  views  needed  public  ex 
pression,  or  whenever  they  required  the  services 
of  one  in  whose  judgment  they  had  confidence  to 
lead,  instruct,  and  guide  them. 

In  looking  over  the  annals  of  those  days,  his 
name  is  to  be  found  upon  every  occasion  of  a  pub 
lic  character,  great  or  small,  upon  which  the  voice 
of  a  leader  was  heard  or  the  work  of  a  leader  was 
required.  The  subscribers  to  a  new  public  library 
met  in  his  office.  He  was  one  of  the  commission 
ers  named  in  the  act  of  Assembly  to  erect  the  city 
gas-works.  He  undertook  and  carried  on  the 
erection  of  the  new  county  prison,  as  President  of 
the  Board  of  Inspectors.  He  was  a  Past  Master 

137 


138  The  LIFE  of  J.  CLANCY  JONES 

of  Masons,  held  the  highest  office  in  his  lodge  of 
Odd  Fellows,  and  made  the  address  at  the  dedica 
tion  of  the  new  Odd  Fellows'  Hall. 

When  the  question  of  the  war  with  Mexico  was 
beginning  to  take  shape,  he  delivered  the  address 
and  drafted  the  resolutions  which  pledged  the 
borough  of  Reading,  in  1846,  to  the  support  of  that 
war.  When  the  anniversary  of  Independence 
was  celebrated,  he  took  a  conspicuous  part,  some 
times  by  reading  the  Declaration,  and  sometimes 
by  the  delivery  of  a  patriotic  address.  He  took  a 
prominent  part  in  the  adoption  of  the  charter 
which  incorporated  Reading  as  a  city  in  1847. 
He  addressed  the  Democrats  of  the  county  when 
they  assembled  annually  in  their  county  meetings. 
He  was  appointed  a  lieutenant-colonel  upon  Gov 
ernor  Shunk's  staff.  He  was  asked  by  Governor 
Shunk  whether  he  would  accept  the  judgeship  of 
Chester  and  Delaware  counties,  and  he  declined, 
preferring  to  remain  where  he  was.  He  was  a 
senatorial  delegate  to  the  State  Convention  that 
renominated  Governor  Shunk,  and  later  when 
Morris  Longstreth  was  nominated  for  Governor. 
The  subsequent  defeat  of  Longstreth,  in  October, 
1848,  by  the  insignificant  majority  of  297  votes, 
was  the  keenest  disappointment  of  Mr.  Jones' 
political  life.  He  had  brought  Longstreth,  who 
was  his  personal  friend,  out  as  a  candidate  for  this 
distinguished  office,  and  was  largely  instrumental 
in  effecting  his  nomination. 

He  took  an  active  and  deep  interest  in  the  com- 


ACTIVITY  in  LOCAL  AFFAIRS  139 

pany  of  volunteers  raised  in  Reading  for  service 
in  the  war  with  Mexico.  He  was  a  member  of  the 
committee  appointed  to  disburse  the  money  ap 
propriated  by  the  city  and  county  to  organize, 
subsist,  equip,  and  transport  these  troops,  and 
afterwards  of  the  committee  for  the  relief  of  their 
families  while  they  were  away.  Acting  on  behalf 
of  a  number  of  friends,  he  made  a  speech  present 
ing  a  sword  to  one  of  the  officers  of  the  company. 
He  took  a  lively  interest  in  the  movements  of 
these  volunteers,  and  afterwards,  when  he  was 
a  member  of  Congress,  recalling  these  events,  he 
appointed  a  son  of  the  captain  of  the  company  a 
cadet  in  the  Military  Academy  at  West  Point.  He 
followed  with  his  sympathy  and  support  that 
gallant  company  of  volunteers  down  the  Mississippi 
to  New  Orleans;  in  their  encampment  upon  the 
island  of  Lobos,  in  the  Gulf  of  Mexico ;  at  the  bom 
bardment  of  Vera  Cruz;  at  the  battle  of  Cerro 
Gordo;  at  the  storming  of  Chapultepec,  and  the 
occupation  of  the  City  of  Mexico.  In  January, 
1848,  he  addressed  a  public  meeting  of  Democrats 
in  support  of  the  administration  in  the  prosecu 
tion  of  the  war  against  Mexico.  When  the  body 
of  Lieutenant  Wunder  was  brought  back  to  Read 
ing,  he  was  selected  to  deliver  the  funeral  oration 
at  the  impressive  ceremonies  held  in  the  Court 
House  over  his  remains;  and  when  the  little  rem 
nant  of  the  company  returned  after  the  war,  in 
July,  1848,  he  was  a  member  of  the  Reception 
Committee,  and  delivered  an  address  of  welcome. 


140  The  LIFE  of  J.  CLANCY  JONES 

He  was  one  of  the  vice-presidents  of  a  town 
meeting  of  German  citizens  held  to  commemorate 
the  success  of  the  Revolution  of  1848;  and  he 
spoke  at  a  meeting  of  the  friends  of  Ireland  called 
to  condemn  the  conviction  of  Mitchell. 

This  is  a  brief  mention  of  about  all  the  public 
events  that  engaged  the  attention  of  the  people 
of  Reading  during  the  first  three  or  four  years  of 
Mr.  Jones'  residence  as  a  young  man  there.  Though 
they  may  seem  unimportant,  they  serve  to  show 
the  interest  he  took,  as  a  young  man,  in  every 
thing  that  affected  the  public  interests  of  the  town, 
its  improvement  and  advancement,  in  addition  to 
the  labors  of  his  profession,  as  well  as  to  indicate 
the  place  he  held  in  the  estimation  of  his  fellow 
citizens.  His  was  always  the  full,  strenuous  life 
of  an  active,  industrious,  energetic  man. 

While  he  was  engaged  in  building  up  his  prac 
tice  in  Reading,  some  of  his  friends  throughout  the 
State  suggested  to  him  the  advisability  of  his  be 
coming  Secretary  of  the  Commonwealth ;  but  it  did 
not  appeal  to  him.  In  reply  to  their  suggestion, 
he  wrote  a  letter  in  which  he  stated  as  follows  the 
terms  upon  which  he  would  consider  it:  "I  have 
learned  recently  that  my  name  has  been  mentioned 
in  connection  with  the  post  of  Secretary  of  the 
Commonwealth.  I  assure  you  I  have  no  aspira 
tions  that  way.  I  would  be  a  fool  to  desire  it 
when  I  have  as  full  a  practice  as  I  can  wish  before 
me,  and  as  much  political  preferment  as  Old  Berks 
can  bestow,  when  I  wish  it.  Yet  if  my  friends 


DISTRICT  ATTORNEY  141 

think  it  advisable,  I  would  probably  consent  on 
three  conditions:  ist,  that  I  might  take  the  stump 
in  my  own  county  at  least;  2nd,  that  I  might  be 
present  at  our  courts;  and  3rd,  that  I  would  not  be 
required  to  hold  it  longer  than  until  the  Presiden 
tial  campaign  is  fairly  opened.  It  would  be  a  sac 
rifice  to  me,  and  I  do  not  covet  it.  To  close  my 
office,  leave  my  friends,  detach  myself  from  Old 
Berks,  for  the  mere  honor  of  being  Secretary  of 
State,  could  not  be  otherwise  than  repulsive  to  my 
feelings.  But  to  accomplish  good  for  the  party 
and  my  friends  I  would  be  willing  to  go  as  far  as  I 
have  mentioned." 

In  April,  1847,  little  more  than  two  years  after 
Mr.  Jones  came  to  Reading,  he  was  appointed  by 
the  Attorney-General  of  the  State  his  deputy  for 
the  prosecution  of  the  pleas  of  the  Commonwealth 
in  Berks  County.  By  subsequent  legislation,  the 
incumbent  of  this  office  became  known  as  the  Dis 
trict  Attorney.  The  duties  of  his  office  lay,  of 
course,  in  the  vitiated  atmosphere  of  the  criminal 
courts.  It  was  regarded  as  an  office  of  honor  and 
distinction,  and  was  acceptable  to  Mr.  Jones  be 
cause  it  did  not  take  him  out  of  the  line  of  his  pro 
fession. 

Just  seven  years  after  he  left  Florida,  Mr.  Jones 
was  sent  to  represent  Berks  County  as  a  delegate 
to  the  National  Convention  of  the  Democratic 
party  which  met  at  Baltimore  May  22,  1848,  and 
was  one  of  the  vice-presidents  of  that  Convention. 
The  Democratic  State  Convention  of  Pennsylvania 


142  The  LIFE  of  J.  CLANCY  JONES 

which  preceded  it,  to  which  Mr.  Jones  was  a  dele 
gate  from  Berks  County,  by  an  overwhelming 
majority  had  instructed  the  delegation  from  that 
State  to  vote  as  a  unit  for  his  friend  Mr.  Buchanan 
for  President.  New  York  sent  two  delegations  to 
this  Convention,  representing  different  factions  in 
the  party,  one  known  as  "  Hunkers,"  and  the  other 
as  "  Barnburners. ' '  The  latter  represented  the  last 
remnant  of  an  organization  that  appeared  in  a 
National  Convention  in  support  of  Martin  Van 
Buren.  Both  of  these  delegations,  being  dissatis 
fied  with  the  action  of  the  Convention  upon  their 
claims,  withdrew  from  the  Convention,  and  the 
State  of  New  York  was  therefore  without  represen 
tation.  The  "  Barnburners "  in  New  York  were 
afterwards  the  nucleus  of  the  little  party  called 
the  "  Free  Soil  party,"  which  nominated  Van 
Buren  for  the  Presidency,  and  took  enough  Demo 
cratic  votes  from  General  Cass  in  the  State  of  New 
York  to  throw  the  electoral  vote  of  that  State  to 
General  Taylor,  and  by  this  means  to  accomplish 
his  election.  This  was  the  only  purpose  of  Mr. 
Van  Buren's  candidacy.  It  was  the  policy  of 
vengeance.  He  inflicted  this  punishment  upon 
his  party  in  return  for  the  adoption  of  the  two- 
thirds  rule  which  accomplished  his  defeat  at  the 
National  Convention  of  1844.  In  the  Presiden 
tial  contest,  however,  between  Buchanan  and 
Fremont  in  1856,  Mr.  Van  Buren,  then  in  his 
seventy-fourth  year,  did  what  he  could  to  keep  his 
old  anti-slavery  friends  within  the  ranks  of  the 


The  NATIONAL  CONVENTION  of  1848        143 

Democratic  party.  A  prominent  public  man, 
writing  to  Mr.  Jones  from  Burlington,  Vermont, 
August  4,  1856,  said:  "Mr.  Van  Buren  (Ex- Presi 
dent)  is  making  a  tour  of  the  Northern  counties 
of  New  York.  He  was  at  Plattsburg  yesterday, 
and  remains  there  until  this  afternoon.  I  pre 
sume  he  will  do  a  great  deal  of  good  in  keeping  his 
old  friends  of  Free  Soil  tendencies  from  going  over 
with  Preston  King.  The  union  of  the  '  Hards ' 
and  *  Softs '  is  very  cordial  amongst  the  masses  of 
the  parties  in  this  portion  of  the  State  of  New 
York  bordering  on  Lake  Champlain  and  the  St. 
Lawrence  River." 

The  platform  of  the  Free  Soil  party  declared  for 
free  trade,  and  for  the  abolition  of  slavery  in  the 
District  of  Columbia  and  everywhere  else  where  the 
Government  had  the  constitutional  power  to  abol 
ish  it.  It  recognized  the  authority  of  the  States 
to  control  slavery  within  their  borders,  but  de 
clared  for  its  exclusion  from  the  Territories ;  which 
was  anticipating,  as  we  shall  see,  the  ground  taken 
by  a  party  of  the  same  name  in  the  famous  Kansas- 
Nebraska  controversy  ten  years  later. 

The  Democratic  Convention,  which  sat  for  five 
days  in  Baltimore  in  1848,  nominated  General 
Lewis  Cass  of  Michigan  for  the  Presidency  by  a 
very  large  majority,  much  to  the  disappointment 
of  Mr.  Jones  and  the  other  friends  of  Mr.  Buchanan. 
General  William  O.  Butler  of  Kentucky  was  nomi 
nated  for  Vice-President.  The  platform  disap 
proved  of  internal  improvements,  approved  of  an 


144  The  LIFE  of  J.  CLANCY  JONES 

economical  administration  of  the  Government, 
and  declared  against  a  national  bank,  and  inter 
ference  with  the  domestic  institution  of  slavery, 
but  in  favor  of  the  war  with  Mexico,  free  trade, 
and  the  tariff  of  1846.  Mr.  Buchanan  and  Levi 
Woodbury  of  New  Hampshire  were  the  only  other 
candidates  of  prominence  before  the  Convention. 

In  the  following  month  of  June  the  Whig  Na 
tional  Convention  met  at  Ninth  and  Sansom 
streets,  Philadelphia,  and  nominated  Zachary 
Taylor  for  President  and  Millard  Fillmore  for  Vice- 
President.  This  Convention  witnessed  the  last 
scene  in  the  long  struggle  of  the  friends  of  Mr.  Clay 
to  elevate  him  to  the  Presidency. 

Mr.  Jones  strongly  advocated  the  election  of 
General  Cass  upon  the  stump  throughout  the  State 
of  Pennsylvania,  in  the  exciting  campaign  which 
followed.  The  newspapers,  in  speaking  of  one  of 
his  addresses  at  Bloomsburg,  said:  "His  speech 
was  one  of  eloquence  and  force,  and  was  inter 
rupted  from  time  to  time  by  the  applause  of  the 
thronged  and  enthusiastic  audience." 

The  Democratic  State  Convention  which  met  at 
Pittsburgh,  July  4,  1849,  made  Mr.  Jones  chair 
man  of  the  State  Central  Committee,  and  thus 
placed  him  in  charge  of  the  important  political 
campaign  of  that  year.  This  appointment  was 
endorsed  by  the  Democratic  press  of  the  State 
with  great  unanimity  and  in  the  most  flattering 
terms  of  approval.  As  chairman  of  this  committee 
he  issued  the  following  address : 


CHAIRMAN  of  STATE  COMMITTEE          145 

DEMOCRATS  OF  PENNSYLVANIA: 

The  issue  is  once  more  made  in  our  good  old  Com 
monwealth,  and  it  remains  for  you  to  say  whether  it 
shall  be  redeemed  or  not.  This  issue  is  not  a  new  one, 
although  it  may  be  presented  under  a  different  aspect. 

It  has  been  the  constant  and  unchanging  object  of 
the  Democratic  party  in  this  country,  ever  since  the 
days  of  Thomas  Jefferson,  to  establish  upon  a  firm 
basis,  and  to  put  into  successful  practice,  that  funda 
mental  doctrine  of  the  Declaration  of  Independence, 
that  all  men  are  born,  politically,  FREE  and  EQUAL; 
and  while  a  diversity  of  objects  somewhat  local  in 
their  character  may  have  temporarily  changed  the 
issues  from  time  to  time,  there  never  has  been  a  con 
test  in  which  this  important  principle  has  not  been 
involved,  directly  or  indirectly.  The  question  of 
banks,  tariffs,  an  Independent  Treasury,  distribution 
of  the  proceeds  of  the  sale  of  public  lands,  internal 
improvements,  &c.,  &c.,  has  agitated  this  country  for 
many  years;  and  yet,  viewed  in  the  abstract,  good 
Democrats  are  often  at  a  loss  to  see  what  danger  can 
accrue  to  their  principles,  let  these  measures  be  suc 
cessful  or  not.  Few  look  below  the  surface  of  things ; 
but  those  who  do,  see  in  these  measures  a  foundation 
on  which  is  to  be  erected  the  superstructure  of  privi 
leged  classes  and  privileged  interests.  The  Democ 
racy  has  never  changed  its  name  or  its  objects:  they 
are  universal  suffrage  and  political  equality.  Federal 
ism  is  opposed  to  both — at  first  openly,  but  of  late 
under  various  guises  and  changes  of  name. 

In  the  early  days  of  our  government,  the  enemies 
of  Democracy  openly  declared  their  distrust  of  the 
people,  and  labored  to  restrict  popular  rights  and 

VOL.  I— 10 


146  The  LIFE  of  J.  CLANCY  JONES 

privileges  by  legislative  enactments.  They  failed,  and 
the  whole  history  of  Federalism,  under  the  different 
names  of  Federalists,  National  Republicans,  Whigs, 
Democratic  Whigs,  and  Taylor  Republicans,  has  been 
untiring  labor  to  do  that  indirectly  which  could  not 
be  done  directly:  to  wit,  by  establishing  corporations 
without  restrictions  they  hope  to  control  the  finances, 
trade,  and  legislation  of  the  country  and  to  smother 
individual  enterprise ;  by  having  a  particular  class  of 
interests  placed  under  the  special  protection  of  govern 
ment,  they  hope  through  them  to  rule  the  country, 
and  control  all  other  interests  by  a  vast  scheme  of 
internal  improvements;  they  hope  to  create  huge 
monopolies  of  moneyed  interests,  which  in  the  end 
must  corrupt  the  government,  demoralize  the  people, 
and  ultimately  sap  the  personal  independence  of  the 
masses,  which  is  the  only  sure  basis  of  a  republican 
government. 

On  all  these  issues,  whether  presented  directly  or 
indirectly,  the  Democracy  have  triumphed,  and  it 
was  their  highest  pride  under  the  late  administration 
to  point  to  the  records  of  their  country  for  the  success 
of  every  Democratic  measure,  and  to  point  to  the 
unexampled  prosperity  and  happiness  of  the  people  for 
the  fruits  of  these  triumphs. 

There  always  have  been  and  always  will  be  at  least 
two  parties  in  a  free  government,  and  in  ours  the 
Democracy  represents  the  masses.  It  is  the  province 
of  the  other  party,  under  whatever  name  it  may  be 
known,  to  take  care  of  privileged  classes  and  privileged 
interests. 

In  the  success  of  these  measures  the  Democracy  has 
nothing  to  fear.  They  have  always  triumphed  and 


ADDRESS  147 

always  will ;  but  when  issues  are  abandoned,  and  a 
military  hero,  professedly  without  political  principles, 
is  presented  to  the  people  and  claims  their  suffrages 
for  his  military  services,  our  rulers  may  change,  but 
our  principles  never;  and  such  has  been  the  result  of 
the  late  Presidential  and  gubernatorial  elections.  The 
country  never  was  in  a  state  of  higher  prosperity  than 
it  is  at  present;  peace,  happiness,  and  abundance  are 
everywhere.  Some  one  particular  branch  of  industry 
may  languish,  but  it  is  only  temporarily,  and  this 
constitutes  but  a  small  proportion  of  the  great  thriv 
ing  industry  of  the  country.  All  these  exist  under  the 
full  sway  of  Democratic  principles.  Not  a  single  line 
has  been  blotted  out  by  the  election  of  General  Taylor ; 
and  by  the  late  elections,  as  compared  with  those  of 
last  fall,  it  would  seem  as  if  the  people,  having  sus 
tained  their  country's  war  and  rewarded  its  hero  with 
the  highest  honor  in  their  gift,  are  determined  to  sur 
round  him  with  a  Democratic  Congress,  allowing  him 
nothing  more  than  the  name  of  President  and  the 
emoluments  of  office. 

We  predict  that  in  less  than  six  months  the  National 
and  State  administrations  will  be  without  the  power 
to  pass  a  single  act,  either  in  the  National  or  State 
legislature.  Still,  while  they  are  without  power  to 
legislate,  every  one  knows  that  the  executive  power 
will  do  its  utmost  to  paralyze  the  Democracy,  with  the 
hope  of  ultimately  breaking  down  their  principles. 
The  policy  of  Governor  Shunk  was  endorsed  by  an 
overwhelming  majority  in  1847,  and  nothing  but  the 
fatal  security  of  the  Democracy  prevented  the  reas- 
sertion  of  their  principles  in  1848.  No  one  dreamed 
of  danger,  and  while  all  felt  secure,  Governor  Johnston 


148  The  LIFE  of  J.  CLANCY  JONES 

travelled  the  State  avowing  no  principles  for  the 
public  eye,  but  bargaining  with  Natives,  declaring 
himself  for  Free  Soil  in  one  section  of  the  State,  and 
advocating  a  slaveholder  for  the  Presidency  in  another. 
He  succeeded  in  carrying  the  State  by  a  few  hundred 
majority. 

We  will  not  attempt  to  chastise  the  late  campaign. 
It  is  now  well  understood  by  the  people,  and  known 
to  be  without  a  parallel  in  the  history  of  our  country. 
Our  object  in  addressing  you  now  is  to  draw  your  at 
tention  to  the  importance  of  the  present  campaign, 
and  in  doing  so  we  have  thought  it  expedient  to  show 
that  the  principles  of  our  party  are  at  stake,  without 
discussing  them  at  length;  they  are  too  well  under 
stood  to  require  it.  Let  Pennsylvania  be  redeemed  in 
October,  and  New  York  with  her  once  more  united 
Democracy  in  November,  and  the  laurels  of  1848  will 
fade  forever,  the  country  be  safe,  and  Democracy 
triumphant. 

Democrats  of  Pennsylvania,  this  is  the  issue.  Had 
you  carried  the  State  at  the  last  election,  it  might 
not  have  been  so.  The  only  question  to  be  passed 
upon  in  that  event  w^ould  have  been  the  election  of  a 
competent  officer  for  Canal  Commissioner.  As  it  is, 
you  have  now  the  double  duty  of  redeeming  your 
State  by  triumphantly  asserting  your  principles,  and 
of  electing  a  good  and  competent  officer  to  carry  them 
out  in  the  proper  management  of  the  internal  improve 
ments  of  the  State.  It  was  with  the  full  knowledge 
of  this  issue  before  them  that  the  Democratic  State 
Convention,  lately  assembled  at  Pittsburg,  placed  in 
nomination  John  A.  Gamble  as  your  candidate  for 
Canal  Commissioner,  a  gentleman  of  long  experience 


ADDRESS  149 

in  public  improvements,  in  the  legislative  policy  of 
the  State,  and  of  spotless  integrity  of  character. 

Aside  from  all  other  questions,  the  two  candidates 
before  the  people  for  the  responsible  office  of  Canal 
Commissioner  differ  in  all  the  essential  qualifications 
for  the  duties  of  that  office.  Mr.  Gamble  is  a  man  in 
middle  life,  who  possesses  nothing  but  what  he  has 
earned  by  his  own  industry  and  economy.  He  has  been 
for  many  years  engaged  in  various  capacities  on  the 
line  of  our  internal  improvements,  thus  acquiring  by 
experience  and  observation  a  thorough  knowledge  of 
our  whole  system  of  internal  improvements.  He  was 
a  member  of  the  convention  which  amended  the  Con 
stitution  of  our  State,  has  been  a  member  of  our  legis 
lature,  and  is  perfectly  acquainted  with  the  whole 
policy  of  the  Government  in  relation  to  internal  im 
provements.  He  is  a  Democrat,  and  as  such  has 
always  been  faithful  and  true  to  the  principles  of  his 
party  and  its  organization,  and  if  elected  will  carry 
them  out  in  the  economical  management  of  the  public 
works.  Mr.  Fulmer,  the  candidate  of  Federalism  and 
Nativism,  is  a  young  man  of  reputed  wealth,  a  lawyer 
by  profession,  without  any  experience  whatever  in 
relation  to  our  internal  improvements,  and  was  never 
known  or  heard  of  in  the  State  until  he  served  one 
session  in  the  legislature  last  winter.  For  the  office 
he  seeks  he  seems  not  to  possess  a  solitary  qualifica 
tion,  and  he  rests  his  whole  hopes  upon  travelling  the 
State  making  speeches,  declaring  himself  a  Free-Soiler, 
although  he  voted  for  a  slaveholder  for  President,  a 
Rough  and  Ready  to  secure  the  Natives,  and  anything 
and  everything  to  secure  votes.  Between  these  two 
the  people  are  to  choose.  We  have  no  fear  of  the 


150  The  LIFE  of  J.  CLANCY  JONES 

result,  if  every  Democrat  will  do  his  duty.  Have  the 
vote  brought  out,  and  all  will  be  safe.  Our  party  is 
united  and  our  candidate  approved  throughout  the 
State.  All  that  is  now  necessary  is  to  go  to  the  polls, 
and  Pennsylvania  will  wipe  out  the  stain  of  her  defec 
tion,  and  take  her  rank  again  at  the  head  of  the  Demo 
cratic  States. 

J.  GLANCY  JONES,  Chairman. 

It  was  the  year  following  the  election  of  General 
Taylor,  who  had  carried  the  State  of  Pennsylvania. 
Under  Mr.  Jones'  management  of  this  campaign 
the  State  was  carried  by  the  Democrats. 


CHAPTER  XI. 

Mr.  Jones  as  a  leader — The  relation  of  a  political  leader  to  the 
people — -Mr.  Jones  is  elected  to  Congress — Takes  his  seat  at  the 
first  session  of  the  Thirty-second  Congress — The  "Old  Capitol" 
— Mr.  Jones  is  appointed  a  member  of  the  Committee  of  Ways 
and  Means — His  health — The  scope  of  his  public  life — The 
reception  of  Louis  Kossuth — The  death  of  Henry  Clay — The 
death  of  Daniel  Webster. 

WE  have  now  reached  a  point  in  this  biog 
raphy  when  Mr.  Jones  is  about  to  enter 
upon  the  larger  field  of  his  national 
career.  He  had  been  a  diligent  practitioner  in  the 
courts  for  eight  years,  and  was  an  able  and  success 
ful  lawyer,  forcible,  logical,  and  clear  in  the  argu 
ment  of  his  cases  before  the  court,  and  persuasive 
and  convincing  in  his  addresses  to  the  jury.  He 
had  been  a  close  student  of  the  principles  of  juris 
prudence,  and  his  familiarity  with  them  was  con 
spicuously  shown  by  the  ease  and  facility  with 
which  he  applied  them  to  his  large  and  varied 
practice.  There  was  a  broad  distinction  in  those 
days  between  the  school  of  lawyers  to  which  Mr. 
Jones  belonged  and  those  who  were  called  "case 
lawyers,"  because  they  got  all  the  learning  they 
had  from  the  Reports.  He  had  also  been  a  close 
student  of  history  and  a  close  observer  of  the  events 
of  his  time.  Few  men  had  a  quicker  perception 
of  the  movement  of  these  events,  and  of  the 

151 


152  The  LIFE  of  J.  GLANCY  JONES 

actions  and  motives  of  the  men  who  took  part  in 
them. 

He  possessed  those  qualities  of  leadership  which 
enabled  him  not  only  to  direct  the  actions  of  men, 
but  to  conciliate  them,  reconcile  their  differences, 
and  unite  their  forces.  This  faculty  of  organiza 
tion  was  strongly  developed  in  him.  He  knew 
how  to  manage  men,  to  exercise  that  subtle  power 
over  them  that  is  called  influence.  This  he  was 
able  to  do  only  because  they  had  confidence  in  him 
and  liked  him,  because  his  keen  intellect  enabled 
him  to  understand  them,  and  because  they  intui 
tively  realized  that  his  power  of  seeing  and  under 
standing  things  was  stronger  and  better  than 
their  own.  He  had  become  familiar  with  the 
politics  of  the  State,  and  had  become  acquainted 
with  its  public  men.  He  had  sat  often  in  the  high 
est  political  councils  of  his  party,  and  when  he 
spoke  to  the  people  he  had  attentive  and  apprecia 
tive  listeners,  because  they  were  instructed  by 
him  as  well  as  entertained. 

He  was  a  public  speaker  of  unusual  force. 
There  had  been  but  one  National  Convention  of 
his  party  since  he  came  to  Reading,  and  he  had 
been  a  member  of  that.  The  people  who  sat  upon 
the  juries  he  addressed  or  who  attended  the  public 
meetings  at  which  he  spoke  became  acquainted 
with  him,  and  his  reputation  was  extended  in  this 
way  far  beyond  the  circle  of  his  personal  acquaint 
ances.  He  had  always  had  a  taste  for  and  taken 
a  large  interest  in  the  public  questions  with  which 


HIS  LEADERSHIP  153 

the  country  from  time  to  time  was  concerned,  and 
had  the  capacity  to  grasp  them.  He  had  been 
able  to  do  this  the  better  because  he  had  been  a 
careful  student  of  the  Constitution,  and  of  the 
works  of  the  men  who  had  been  its  expounders; 
of  the  different  forms  of  government  of  the  dif 
ferent  nations  of  the  world,  and  of  the  condition 
of  the  people  who  lived  under  them.  He  was  thus 
well  equipped  for  the  duties  of  public  life  and  lead 
ership,  though  he  had  never  held  a  political  office. 

Naturally,  a  community  that  has  become  accus 
tomed  to  the  presence  of  such  a  man,  that  has 
had  so  many  opportunities  to  understand  him  and 
to  appreciate  the  superior  qualities  of  his  mind, 
grows  more  and  more  conscious  of  his  helpfulness 
—almost  of  his  necessity  to  them;  and  they  nat 
urally  turn  to  him  as  the  proper  person  to  lead 
them,  to  fill  their  offices,  and  to  administer  their 
public  affairs. 

This  was  the  way  the  people  selected  their  public 
men  in  those  days.  The  system  had  not  become 
inverted  as  it  is  now.  The  people  were  the  rulers, 
not  the  ruled.  They  selected  whom  they  chose. 
The  word  "  boss  "  was  not  known  then  outside  the 
limits  of  trade.  Politics  had  not  become  a  trade, 
and  the  name  of  "boss"  had  not  been  borrowed 
from  the  workshop  to  describe  the  man  who  man 
aged  it.  The  man  who  was  the  political  leader  in 
those  days  was  the  man  whom  the  people  selected 
from  among  themselves,  because  they  had  come, 
in  the  inevitable  adjustment  of  things,  to  realize 


154  The  LIFE  of  J.  CLANCY  JONES 

that  he  was  by  his  peculiar  gifts  and  his  culture 
the  natural  leader  among  them.  His  claim  upon 
them  did  not  depend  upon  the  amount  he  contrib 
uted  to  the  campaign  fund.  His  selection  was 
the  result  of  natural  causes,  and  not  of  political 
intrigue.  And  this  man,  so  selected,  possessed 
the  absolute  and  real  powers  of  a  leader.  His 
dealings  were  directly  with  the  people,  and  not 
with  a  political  "boss."  He  and  his  people  made 
common  cause  together.  He  led,  and  they  fol 
lowed  him;  they  voluntarily  placed  their  interests 
in  his  hands.  If  he  lost  their  confidence,  his 
leadership  came  to  an  end.  He  could  not  have 
continued  to  lead  them  if  his  efforts  had  been  de 
voted  to  the  building  up  of  his  own  welfare  at  the 
expense  of  theirs.  Government  then  meant  coop 
eration  between  the  people  and  their  representa 
tive  for  the  purpose  of  securing  the  greatest  good 
to  all  and  the  adoption  of  such  measures  as  would 
best  secure  the  public  welfare,  and  not  the  running 
of  a  "political  machine"  for  the  benefit  of  some 
"boss"  and  his  henchmen.  When  the  time  came 
for  the  selection  of  a  man  to  represent  the  people 
upon  the  floor  of  Congress,  the  people  selected  the 
best  and  ablest  man  they  could  find  among  them 
for  that  honorable  position,  and  did  not  permit 
a  political  "boss"  to  select  some  one  for  them 
whose  allegiance  was  due  to  him,  and  not  to  them. 
A  man  then  got  his  political  preferment  in  honest 
fashion  directly  from  the  people,  and  not,  as  has 
been  the  custom  of  late,  as  the  servant  of  a  power- 


ELECTED  to  CONGRESS  155 

ful  political  " organization"  ingeniously  devised 
by  skilful  politicians  for  the  purpose  of  taking 
elections  out  of  the  hands  of  the  people — the  main 
support  of  this  "organization"  being  the  patron 
age  that  comes  from  the  offices  it  dispenses  and 
controls. 

When  the  time  drew  near  for  the  election  of 
members  of  the  Thirty-second  Congress,  in  the 
fall  of  1850,  the  Democrats  of  Berks  County 
turned  with  unanimity  to  Mr.  Jones.  The  Con 
vention  of  the  party  to  nominate  a  candidate  to 
represent  that  district,  which  was  then  composed 
of  the  county  of  Berks,  met  in  Reading  on  Tuesday, 
September  3,  1850,  when  it  was  found  that  the 
delegates  from  thirteen  districts  west  of  the  Schuyl- 
kill  could  not  cross  the  river  because  a  flood  had 
washed  away  all  the  bridges.  The  Convention  was 
therefore  adjourned  until  the  7th,  when  Mr.  Jones 
was  nominated  for  Congress  on  the  first  ballot  by 
a  vote  of  102  to  25  cast  for  his  opponent.  This 
vote  is  significant  of  the  strong  hold  Mr.  Jones  had 
acquired  upon  the  Democratic  party  of  the  county 
during  the  brief  period  of  six  years  that  he  had 
lived  in  the  county,  for  William  Strong,  his  dis 
tinguished  predecessor,  had  been  nominated  over 
the  same  opponent  only  four  years  before  by  the 
small  majority  of  four  votes  on  the  second  ballot. 

We  have  seen  that  there  were  serious  factional 
revolts  in  the  party  about  the  time  Mr.  Jones 
came  to  Reading.  This  had  always  been  so.  No 
leader  was  ever  fortunate  enough  to  prevent  them. 


156  The  LIFE  of  J.  CLANCY  JONES 

There  had  always  been  in  the  county  a  cabal  of 
restless,  refractory,  dissatisfied  men  who  were  with 
out  the  confidence  of  the  people  (indeed,  what 
place  is  without  them?),  whose  temperament  did 
not  permit  them  to  acquiesce  submissively  in  the 
will  of  the  majority,  no  matter  in  whose  favor  that 
will  was  expressed,  whenever  it  was  disappointing 
to  them.  Among  them,  at  this  election,  was  the 
man  who  had  unsuccessfully  sought  the  nomina 
tion  for  Congress  against  Mr.  Jones  in  the  Demo 
cratic  Convention.  Their  conduct  was  without 
justification,  and  their  bitterness  and  weakness  of 
character  often  made  them  abusive,  and  careless 
about  the  truth  of  their  assertions.  Such  men 
can  always  find  listeners.  The  Democratic  press 
of  the  State  had  described  them  as  early  as  1836 
as  " intriguing,  restless,  useless  politicians."  They 
had  opposed  the  bank  policy  of  General  Jackson. 
They  had  reduced  Muhlenberg's  majority  for 
Congress  to  1116,  Strong's  to  1113,  and  Ritter's 
to  517.  Indeed,  they  had  opposed  pretty  much 
everybody  and  everything  that  was  popular  and 
successful.  It  was  enough  if  favors  were  be 
stowed  elsewhere  rather  than  upon  themselves. 

Mr.  Jones  could  not  expect  them  to  be  more 
considerate  of  him,  especially  as  the  preference  of 
the  party  for  him  had  been  so  overwhelmingly 
expressed  by  the  Convention  which  nominated 
him,  and  he  was  elected  to  Congress,  as  so  many  of 
his  worthy  predecessors  had  been,  by  a  reduced 
majority.  The  conduct  of  these  "kickers,"  as 


The  THIRTY-SECOND  CONGRESS  157 

they  would  now  be  called,  is  scarcely  deserving  of 
mention.  It  would  be  better  if  what  they  did 
could  be  forgotten.  It  is  unfortunate,  perhaps, 
that  the  truth  of  history  requires  that  they  should 
be  referred  to  at  all. 

Mr.  Jones,  at  the  age  of  forty,  took  his  seat  at 
the  opening  of  the  first  session  of  the  Thirty- 
second  Congress,  which  met  at  Washington  in 
December,  1851.  Linn  Boyd  of  Kentucky,  the 
Democratic  candidate,  was  elected  Speaker,  re 
ceiving  118  votes.  The  opposition  vote  was 
divided  among  Edward  Stanly  of  North  Carolina, 
Joseph  R.  Chandler  of  Pennsylvania,  Thaddeus 
Stevens  of  Pennsylvania,  and  others.  Mr.  Jones 
made  his  home  at  a  boarding-house  situated  oppo 
site  the  northeast  corner  of  the  East  Capitol 
grounds.  It  was  a  large  brick  building  known 
as  the  "  Old  Capitol,"  so  called  because  it  had  been 
built  for  the  temporary  accommodation  of  Con 
gress  while  the  permanent  Capitol  was  being  re 
stored  after  it  had  been  burned  by  the  British  in 
1814.  Since  the  building  had  been  occupied  as  a 
boarding-house,  it  had  been  the  home  of  many 
Senators  and  Representatives,  the  most  distin 
guished  of  whom  was  John  C.  Calhoun,  who  had 
died  there  the  year  before. 

The  death  of  that  great  trio  of  statesmen,  Cal 
houn,  Clay,  and  Webster,  about  this  time,  marked 
a  distinct  era  in  American  statesmanship.  At  the 
time  Mr.  Jones  entered  Congress,  Hamlin,  Hale, 
Sumner,  Fish,  Robert  F.  Stockton,  James  A.  Bay- 


158  The  LIFE  of  J.  CLANCY  JONES 

ard,  Hunter  and  Mason  of  Virginia,  Rhett  of  South 
Carolina,  Henry  S.  Foote,  Pierre  Soule,  Chase, 
Wade,  Henry  Clay,  John  Bell,  Stephen  A.  Doug 
las,  Lewis  Cass,  and  William  M.  Gwin  were  mem 
bers  of  the  Senate,  and  Alexander  H.  Stephens, 
Robert  Toombs,  Andrew  Johnson,  John  C.  Breck- 
inridge,  Thomas  A.  Hendricks,  Joseph  Lane, 
Clingman,  William  Aiken,  Meredith  P.  Gentry, 
and  James  L.  Orr  were  his  colleagues  in  the  House. 
At  that  time  Congress  sat  in  the  old  Senate  and 
House  chambers  in  the  main  Capitol  building. 
The  wings  were  in  course  of  construction. 

Mr.  Jones  at  once  received  recognition  in  being 
placed  by  the  Speaker  upon  the  Committee  of 
Ways  and  Means,  the  most  important  committee 
of  the  House,  an  honor  which  was  rarely  conferred 
upon  a  new  member,  but  upon  those  who  had  had 
large  experience  in  legislation. 

Though  Mr.  Jones  was  endowed  with  a  vigorous 
constitution,  a  good  presence,  a  robust  figure,  and 
strong  vital  powers,  he  was  subject  at  times  to 
acute  attacks  of  neuralgia  which  were  painful  and 
prostrating.  Though  he  could  in  no  sense  be 
called  an  invalid,  these  attacks,  which  were  vio 
lent,  frequently  made  it  more  difficult  for  him  to 
meet  the  demands  of  his  active  and  energetic 
career.  In  a  letter  to  a  friend  he  spoke  of  them 
as  follows:  "  I  have  been  threatened  with  a  return 
of  my  old  disease  of  neuralgia  of  the  bowels,  or 
diaphragm,  or  ganglionic  system.  I  do  not  know 
the  name  hardly,  but  it  threatens  to  become 


HIS  SERVICE  in  CONGRESS  159 

chronic,  and  almost  brings  me  to  the  determina 
tion,  sometimes,  to  abandon  the  political  field 
altogether.  Still,  I  have  strong  hopes  now  of 
eradicating  it."  Mr.  Buchanan,  referring  to  these 
attacks,  wrote  to  him  from  London,  November 
30,  1855 :  "  I  earnestly  trust  and  hope  that  ere  this 
your  old  disease  has  been  vanquished.  This  is  no 
time  for  men  to  get  sick  who  can  enact  so  able  and 
useful  a  part  for  your  country  as  yourself." 

He  also  suffered,  at  different  periods  of  his  life, 
keen  sorrow  in  the  loss  of  his  children,  only  four 
of  whom  grew  up  to  mature  years. 

Mr.  Jones'  public  life  of  eight  years  in  Congress 
covered  a  very  important  epoch  in  the  history  of 
the  country.  It  was  the  transition  period  between 
the  strongly  contrasted  conditions  which  preceded 
and  those  which  followed  the  Civil  War.  It 
turned  out  to  be  a  period  in  which  the  old  order  of 
things  was  passing  away.  The  history  of  his 
public  life  is  a  history  of  the  troublous  times  across 
which  it  lay.  At  the  time  he  was  first  elected  to 
Congress,  the  country  was  in  a  state  of  violent 
agitation  over  the  status  of  slavery  in  the  territory 
recently  acquired  from  Mexico.  This  agitation 
led  to  the  adoption  of  the  compromise  measures 
of  1850.  It  was  supposed  at  the  time  that  this 
compromise  had  settled  all  differences,  and  that 
there  would  be  no  further  domestic  strife,  but  it 
was  not  so.  The  relief  was  only  temporary.  The 
bitter  feeling  of  hostility  to  slavery  which  had 
grown  to  such  formidable  proportions  in  the  North, 


160  The  LIFE  of  J.  CLANCY  JONES 

and  the  indignation  with  which  that  feeling  had 
been  resented  in  the  South,  had  only  been  allayed. 
It  had  become  too  deep  to  be  eradicated.  For 
the  first  time  in  the  history  of  the  country,  the 
slavery  agitation  became  sectional.  The  North 
was  arrayed  against  the  South.  The  Whig  party, 
which  had  been  the  last  national  party  in  opposi 
tion  to  the  Democratic  party,  passed  out  of  exist 
ence,  leaving  the  Democratic  party  as  the  only 
national  political  organization.  Then  arose  the 
struggle  over  the  constitutional  rights  of  slave 
holders  in  the  Territories — the  common  property 
of  the  whole  country,  open  to  all  its  citizens  alike — 
which  was  settled  by  the  adoption  of  the  Kansas- 
Nebraska  Bill  and  by  the  Supreme  Court  of  the 
United  States  in  favor  of  the  rights  of  those  who 
held  slaves.  This,  instead  of  settling  the  con 
troversy,  only  advanced  the  "  irrepressible  con 
flict"  one  step  further.  The  Republican  party 
was  organized  as  a  sectional  party  with  hostility 
to  slavery  as  its  fundamental  principle.  This 
strengthened  and  disseminated  the  feeling  of  sec 
tionalism  in  the  North  to  such  an  extent  that  it 
was  able  to  make  decided  encroachments  upon  the 
ranks  of  the  Democratic  party.  Some  left  it  at 
the  outset ;  others  remained  long  enough  to  secure 
the  election  of  Mr.  Buchanan,  and  so  to  postpone 
the  inevitable  result.  The  subsequent  agitation 
in  Congress  and  throughout  the  country  over  the 
admission  of  Kansas  as  a  State  into  the  Union 
led  to  the  complete  disruption  of  the  Democratic 


EFFORTS  to  SAVE  the  UNION  161 

party,  the  election  of  Lincoln,  and  the  dreadful 
calamity  of  the  Civil  War. 

Mr.  Jones  was  a  prominent  and  leading  actor  in 
all  these  important  historical  events.  He  was 
one  of  the  most  conspicuous  figures  among  those 
who  were  called  upon  to  take  part  in  those  grave 
and  momentous  struggles — the  struggles  of  states 
men  to  save  the  Union — that  it  was  hoped  would 
avert,  but  turned  out  to  be  only  the  prelude  to,  the 
great  drama  of  the  Civil  War.  As  a  constitutional 
statesman  he  did  his  duty  to  the  utmost  to  preserve 
the  Union  under  the  Constitution,  to  protect  alike 
the  interests  of  all  under  that  instrument  and  the 
laws  of  the  country,  to  rebuke  sectional  feeling, 
and  to  avert  the  dissolution  of  the  Union  and  the 
horrors  of  internecine  war.  That  his  course  was 
right  can  admit  of  no  doubt ;  that  it  did  not  succeed 
is  only  another  illustration  of  the  fact  that  senti 
ment  is  stronger  in  the  hearts  of  mankind  than 
respect  for  law  or  the  dread  of  consequences.  The 
institution  of  slavery  had  been  clearly  recognized 
and  protected  by  the  Constitution.  The  South 
was  driven  into  secession,  and  the  Civil  War  be 
came  necessary,  because  the  supporters  of  Lincoln 
in  the  North  believed  that  human  slavery  was 
wrong,  and  placed  that  conviction  above  the  obli 
gations  of  the  Constitution. 

No  measures  of  special  historical  importance 
were  adopted  by  the  Thirty-second  Congress. 
It  was  the  calm  which  succeeded  the  stormy  agita 
tion  of  the  slavery  question  in  the  Congress  which 

VOL.  I— 11 


162  The  LIFE  of  J.  CLANCY  JONES 

had  preceded  it.  The  most  striking  event  of  the 
first  session  was  the  reception  of  Louis  Kossuth, 
who  called  himself  Governor  of  Hungary,  by  both 
branches  of  Congress.  This  official  recognition 
of  Kossuth  gave  great  offence  to  the  Empire  of 
Austria,  which  suspended  diplomatic  relations 
with  this  country  by  the  withdrawal  of  its  Minister, 
the  Chevalier  Hlilsemann. 

Another  event  which  profoundly  impressed  the 
whole  country  was  the  death  of  Henry  Clay, 
whose  obsequies  were  observed  with  great  solem 
nity  in  the  Senate  Chamber  in  July,  1852.  Still 
another  event  of  national  interest  was  the  death 
of  Daniel  Webster,  Secretary  of  State,  which  was 
announced  in  both  Houses  of  Congress  in  Decem 
ber,  1852. 


CHAPTER  XII. 

Mexico— Cuba— The  United  States  Bank— Public  lands— The  Fu 
gitive  Slave  Law — Mr.  Jones'  speech  in  the  House  of  Repre 
sentatives  upon  the  tariff. 

MR.  JONES,  in  discussing  the  foreign  rela 
tions  of  the  country  upon  the  floor  of  the 
House  at  the  short  session,  on  December 
13,  1852,  predicted,  with  remarkable  foresight,  the 
establishment  of  the  empire  in  Mexico  under  Maxi 
milian,  which  event  was  consummated,  under  the 
auspices  of  the  French,  a  few  years  later,  while 
Mr.  Jones  was  United  States  Minister  to  Austria. 
He  also  predicted  that  the  time  would  soon  come 
when  Spain  would  no  longer  have  the  power  .to 
hold  Cuba.  He  also  took  occasion  to  define  his 
position  upon  the  United  States  Bank  question; 
to  dissent  emphatically  from  the  doctrine  that 
such  a  bank  was  constitutional,  as  laid  down  by 
the  Supreme  Court  of  the  United  States.  He  also 
defined  his  position  upon  the  question  of  the  dis 
position  of  the  public  lands;  upon  the  Fugitive 
Slave  Law;  and  strongly  declared  himself  to  be  a 
firm  supporter  of  the  "  Constitution  just  as  our 
fathers  made  it,  enforced  and  interpreted  by  the 
principles  of  strict  construction."  In  the  tariff 
agitation  of  this  second  session,  he  defined  his 
position  in  an  able  speech  as  a  supporter  of  the 

163 


164  The  LIFE  of  J.  CLANCY  JONES 

Democratic  doctrine  of  revenue  as  the  controlling 
principle  of  all  tariff  laws,  and  advocated  an  ad 
herence  to  the  ad  valorem  plan  of  assessment. 
He  opposed  any  modification  of  the  Democratic 
tariff  of  1846,  which  had  been  framed  on  those 
principles.  He  held  that  the  incidental  protection 
which  this  afforded  to  domestic  manufactures 
would  amply  protect  them,  and  moreover  that  it 
would  secure  to  them  that  stability  which  was 
more  important  than  anything  else,  and  which 
could  not  be  secured  by  the  application  of  any 
other  rule.  Protection,  he  contended,  must  neces 
sarily  result  from  the  judicious  imposition  of  im 
port  duties  upon  the  plan  supported  by  him,  and 
he  declared  himself  opposed  to  the  doctrine  of 
protection  per  se.  Revenue  must  be  the  object 
and  protection  the  incident  of  any  plan  of  import 
duties  to  be  adopted,  and  ad  valorem  the  plan  as 
against  the  specific  form  of  duties.  He  also  enter 
tained  the  view  that  as  the  tariff  was  a  tax  im 
posed  indirectly  upon  the  consumer,  if  reduction 
was  necessary  it  should  be  by  an  extension  of  the 
free  list.  He  opposed  a  horizontal  tariff  as  not 
feasible,  and  looked  forward  to  the  time,  in  the 
near  future,  when  American  manufactures  would 
be  able  to  compete  with  those  of  other  countries 
in  foreign  markets,  and  when  no  protection  would 
be  necessary.  In  the  meantime  he  would  keep  the 
duty  on  manufactured  articles  that  most  needed 
protection  at  the  highest  revenue  standard,  at 
the  same  time  keeping  the  duties  upon  all  articles 


The  TARIFF  165 

of  necessity  of  foreign  growth  or  production  con 
sumed  by  the  masses  down  to  the  lowest  point. 
He  held  that  tariffs  must  fluctuate  with  the  laws 
of  trade  and  the  necessities  of  the  Government. 
At  that  time  the  annual  expenses  of  the  Govern 
ment  amounted  to  only  $46,000,000.  He  did  not 
believe  that  a  tariff  could  be  made  permanent  by 
legislation,  as  legislation  cannot  regulate  the  laws 
of  supply  and  demand.  "It  must  change,"  said 
Mr.  Jones,  "  according  to  the  circumstances  which 
may  arise,  and  all  you  can  do  is  to  establish  settled 
principles  by  which  to  guide  your  action  in  running 
on  with  this  progressive  tendency  to  free  trade; 
and  I  do  solemnly  believe  that  this  progression 
will  not  only  be  the  highest  indication  of  the  suc 
cess  of  our  manufactures,  but  of  the  greatness,  the 
growth,  and  the  glory  of  our  country." 

These  were,  and  have  continued  to  be,  the  doc 
trines  of  the  Democratic  party. 

The  following  is  Mr.  Jones'  speech  in  full: 

MR.  CHAIRMAN:  I  confess  I  was  somewhat  sur 
prised  the  other  day  to  hear  the  proposition  of  the 
gentleman  from  New  York  [Mr.  Brooks].  I  had  sup 
posed  the  honorable  gentleman  to  be  what  is  com 
monly  known  as  a  National  Whig ;  and  as  such,  I  was 
under  the  impression  that  he  was  in  favor  of  protec 
tion  per  se.  How,  therefore,  he  could  offer  a  resolution 
at  this  particular  crisis,  for  such  a  purpose  as  that 
proposed  upon  the  tariff  question,  was  beyond  my 
comprehension.  Certainly,  if  that  gentleman  is  the 
advocate  of  protection,  he  must  know  that,  consti- 


166  The  LIFE  of  J.  CLANCY  JONES 

tuted  as  this  House  is  at  this  particular  time,  nothing 
could  possibly  occur  that  would  not  be  injurious  to 
that  particular  interest.  He  knows  that  under  the 
operation  of  the  tariff  of  1846,  at  this  particular  junc 
ture,  the  duties  levied  upon  imports,  particularly  upon 
articles  which  are  manufactured  in  my  own  State,  are 
at  such  high  rates  as  almost,  in  the  language  of  the 
honorable  gentleman  from  South  Carolina  [Mr.  Wood 
ward],  to  have  approached  the  prohibitory  point;  and 
in  any  possible  contingency,  viewing  it  as  I  suppose  he 
does,  I  cannot  conceive  of  any  adjustment  which  can 
be  made  of  the  tariff  question  at  this  crisis  that  would 
not  be  most  unquestionably  injurious  to  these  interests. 
The  gentleman  from  New  York  [Mr.  Brooks]  stated 
in  his  first  resolution  to  this  House  that  the  object  he 
had  in  view  was  a  reduction  of  the  revenue,  with  a  view 
to  prevent  the  accumulation  of  a  surplus.  I  wish  to 
know  of  the  honorable  gentleman  from  New  York  if 
he  has  looked  abroad  and  reflected  before  he  made  up 
his  mind  to  take  this  step.  He  talks  about  a  surplus 
revenue.  Does  that  gentleman  know  that  in  less  than 
one  year  from  this  day  you  may  not  have  a  surplus 
revenue,  but  in  its  place  you  may  find  a  deficiency? 
I  hesitate  not  one  moment  to  say  at  this  time,  as  the 
honest  conviction  of  my  mind,  that  Europe  has  retro 
graded  fifty  years  in  the  last  six  months.  Fifty  years 
ago  there  was  an  empire  in  Europe.  That  empire, 
pretending  to  be  republican,  was  arrayed  in  active 
hostility  against  the  despotic  powers  of  Europe. 
Russia,  Austria,  and  Prussia  all  combined  with  Eng 
land  against  France.  Now,  what  is  the  spectacle?  A 
new  empire  rising  in  colossal  grandeur,  not  opposed, 
but  backed  by  all  these  self -same  powers  of  despotism. 


The  TARIFF  167 

With  all  the  diplomatic  pretensions  of  hostility  to  the 
empire  made  by  Russia,  Austria,  and  Prussia,  my 
deliberate  conviction  is,  that  there  now  subsists  a 
secret  alliance,  formed  between  them,  under  which 
combined  power  the  war  of  despotism  against  liberty 
is  soon  to  be  fought.  I  may  be  mistaken.  I  hope  that 
I  am ;  but  I  see  events  in  Europe  which  have  no  anal 
ogy  in  history,  and  which  were  never  heard  or  dreamed 
of  before.  Why,  to  use  a  paradox,  there  is  a  Demo 
cratic  absolutism — the  most  despotic  power  on  the  face 
of  the  earth,  created  by  the  free  suffrages  of  forty 
millions  of  people,  and  for  what  purpose?  For  the 
purpose,  sir,  of  meeting  an  issue  which  we  ourselves 
have  already  made.  Has  not  this  country  planted 
itself  upon  the  Monroe  doctrine?  What  does  that 
doctrine  teach?  It  teaches  that  while  the  Powers 
subsisting  at  this  time  upon  this  continent  may  hold 
their  position  as  long  as  they  have  the  capacity  to  do 
so  (our  Government  not  interfering),  that  nevertheless 
this  Government  never  can  and  never  will  consent  that 
any  foreign  Power  shall  gain  a  fresh  foothold  upon 
American  soil.  Is  not  this  the  principle,  the  doctrine 
of  the  Democratic  party  of  this  Union?  Now,  where 
is  Cuba?  Why,  precisely  in  this  position.  We  have 
declared  in  all  our  negotiations  with  foreign  Govern 
ments  that  Spain  may  hold  Cuba  so  long  as  she  has 
the  power  to  hold  and  govern  her,  but  that  no  Power 
on  earth  shall  occupy  it,  saving  ourselves,  when  she 
ceases  to  be  able  to  hold  it. 

Now,  this  is  the  doctrine  of  our  foreign  policy,  or 
at  least  will  be,  I  presume;  and  in  this  very  state  of 
things,  one  of  the  morning  papers  tells  us  that  the 
French  empire  has  annexed  to  it  a  province  of  Mexico 


168  The  LIFE  of  J.  CLANCY  JONES 

called  Sonora.  It  is  a  remark  long  since  made  by 
Richelieu,  that  in  State  affairs  "  there  are  no  small 
steps."  Here  is  an  indication;  to  me  it  is  ominous, 
and  it  leads  my  mind  to  the  conclusion,  looking  upon 
the  existing  state  of  affairs  in  Europe,  that  in  less  than 
twelve  months  from  this  day  you  will  find  the  French 
empire,  backed  by  the  despotisms  of  Russia,  Prussia, 
and  Austria,  prepared,  and  well  prepared  too,  to  con 
test  the  question  whether  a  foreign  Government  shall 
or  shall  not  gain  a  footing  upon  this  continent.  Now, 
the  question  is  not  whether  we  shall  go  to  war  with 
Europe ;  the  question  is  not  whether  we  shall  follow 
the  doctrines  of  Kossuth,  and  go  abroad  as  propa 
gandists;  but  the  true  question  presented  to  the 
American  people,  as  the  champion  of  freedom,  is, 
whether,  in  less  than  twelve  months  from  this  day, 
you  may  not  be  called  upon  to  maintain  your  position, 
or  abandon  it.  Not  to  become  the  aggressor  in  propa 
gating  this  doctrine,  but  whether  you  will  abandon  or 
defend  it  with  your  arms.  Mr.  Chairman,  I  allude  to 
this  incidentally,  because  I  know  that  the  honorable 
gentleman  from  New  York  [Mr.  Brooks]  is  perfectly 
conversant  with  these  affairs ;  and  knowing  that  this 
is,  at  least,  a  possible  contingency,  it  strikes  me  as 
the  more  extraordinary  that  he,  who  is  a  protective 
tariff  man  and  a  National  Whig,  and  looking  thus 
upon  the  present  state  of  our  foreign  relations,  should 
move  at  this  day  for  an  immediate  reduction  of  the 
revenues  of  the  Government. 

Now,  sir,  I  am  opposed  to  an  alteration  of  the  tariff 
of  1846  at  this  time.  I  am  opposed  to  it  because  we 
have  no  landmarks  or  statistics  to  guide  us.  We  have 
not  even  a  message  from  the  President  on  the  subject 


The  TARIFF  169 

that  gives  us  statistical  details,  and  we  have  not 
access  to  a  single  thing  at  this  time  which  will  throw 
any  light  upon  this  perplexed  and  perplexing  question ; 
and  yet  the  gentleman  proposes  that  we  should  all  at 
once,  without  hesitation  or  deliberation,  act  immedi 
ately  upon  the  whole  subject  of  the  tariff  with  refer 
ence  to  its  reduction  in  order  to  get  rid  of  the  surplus 
revenue.  I  presume  that  there  are  but  few  members 
who  hold  seats  in  this  House,  who  have  derived  their 
power  from  the  people,  at  least  within  two  years.  I 
know  that  I  do  not.  It  is  two  years  since  I  was  elected 
a  member  of  this  House.  The  people  of  this  Union 
have,  within  two  months,  elected  as  their  President 
and  standard  bearer  of  Democratic  principles  Franklin 
Pierce.  Shall  he  not  have  a  hearing  on  this  great 
question,  in  which  the  Government  has  so  deep  an 
interest?  Is  it  not  the  will  and  wish  of  the  Democratic 
party  that  the  man  who  is  the  choice  of  the  American 
people  for  the  Presidency  of  the  United  States  shall 
be  heard  on  this  and  on  all  kindred  subjects  before  we 
act  ?  I,  sir,  do  not  believe  that  the  Democratic  members 
of  this  House  will  consent  to  act  upon  this  subject  now ; 
but  that  they  will  regard  it  as  uncalled  for  and  impolitic 
in  the  extreme.  Our  candidate  was  nominated  by  a 
convention  representing  every  State  in  this  Union. 
They  built  a  platform,  embodying  the  doctrines  of 
the  Democratic  party.  Franklin  Pierce  planted  him 
self  upon  that  platform,  and  the  American  people,  by 
a  majority  almost  unheard  of  in  the  annals  of  our 
history,  made  him  the  President  elect  of  the  United 
States.  As  for  the  Whigs,  I  have  no  fault  to  find  with 
them  in  this  affair,  because,  if  their  papers  speak  truly, 
they  have  an  object  to  accomplish,  and  that  object  is 


170  The  LIFE  of  J.  CLANCY  JONES 

our  division.  But  knowing  this,  I  am  at  a  loss  to 
understand  upon  what  principle  a  Democrat  can  wish 
to  open  this  question  at  this  time.  You  have  now  no 
statistic  details,  nor  any  reliable  information  upon  a 
subject  the  most  perplexing  of  all  questions ;  how  you 
can  act,  then,  I  confess  I  cannot  comprehend.  I 
have  no  objection,  however,  to  a  full  discussion.  I 
am  perfectly  willing  to  discuss  this  question  from 
beginning  to  end.  For  one,  coming  as  I  do  from  the 
State  of  Pennsylvania,  I  hold  myself  in  readiness  at 
any  time  to  answer  every  interrogatory  put  to  me. 

MR.  CARTTER  inquired  if  the  gentleman  now  speak 
ing  had  not  moved  a  modification  of  the  tariff  of  1846, 
at  the  last  session. 

MR.  JONES.  I  will  answer  the  gentleman.  I  did 
not  ask  for  a  change  of  the  tariff,  but  only  a  modifi 
cation  of  the  mode  of  appraisement,  without  changing 
the  ad  valorem  or  revenue  standard.  I  will  come  to 
that,  though,  in  good  time,  and  satisfy  the  gentleman 
that  I  would  do  it  again,  and  often,  upon  the  position 
I  have  taken  and  now  occupy.  I  will  read  the  gentle 
man  the  substance  of  a  resolution  presently,  drawn  by 
my  own  hand  in  1846,  endorsing  the  principles  of  the 
tariff  of  1846,  with  a  proviso  that  we  would  favor 
such  a  modification  of  its  details  from  time  to  time  as 
the  exigencies  of  the  country  might  require,  consist 
ently  with  those  principles ;  I  offered  a  resolution  at 
the  last  session  of  Congress  precisely  consistent  with 
that,  and  I  am  ready  to  offer  one  at  any  future  time, 
when  needed,  because  I  do  not  believe  in  the  perma 
nency  of  a  revenue  standard.  Sometimes  it  is  too 
high,  sometimes  too  low. 

I  have  already  stated  that  I  am  opposed  to  opening 


The  TARIFF  171 

the  question  at  this  time,  but  I  shall  vote  for  the 
amendment  of  the  honorable  gentleman  from  Tennes 
see  [Mr.  Jones],  because  ever  since  the  passage  of  the 
tariff  of  1846  I  have  always  stood  by  the  ad  valorem 
system.  I  shall  vote,  however,  against  the  resolution 
as  amended,  because  I  am  opposed  to  the  opening  of 
the  question  at  this  time. 

The  tariff  of  1846  was  passed  in  the  month  of  July 
of  that  year.  There  was  a  Democratic  convention 
held  in  the  county  of  Berks,  which  is  in  my  district, 
in  the  month  of  September,  1846.  At  that  convention, 
I  drew  a  resolution  which  was  unanimously  adopted 
by  that  convention,  and  I  wish  to  read  that  resolution 
in  order  to  show  the  position  we  then  took,  and  also 
to  show  that  all  our  acts,  from  that  day  to  this,  have 
been  perfectly  consistent  with  that  position;  and  I 
wish  to  read  it  more  especially  because  we  are  not 
understood  upon  this  question.  I  say  that  the  position 
of  the  Pennsylvania  Democracy  on  the  tariff  question 
is  not  only  founded  upon  sound  Democratic  principles, 
but  that  it  is  perfectly  consistent  with  the  Baltimore 
platform  and  with  Democratic  doctrine  generally;  it  is 
the  interest  perhaps  of  some  to  misunderstand  us, 
but  it  is  my  duty,  to  the  extent  of  my  ability,  to  see 
that  we  are  not  misunderstood  any  longer  by  the 
country.  The  resolution  passed  in  September,  1846, 
was  in  substance  as  follows:  "Resolved,  That  we  ap 
prove  of  the  principles  of  the  tariff  of  1846,  with  such 
modifications  of  its  details,  consistent  with  those 
principles,  from  time  to  time,  as  the  exigencies  of  the 
country  may  require." 

Now,  sir,  what  is  meant  by  the  principles  of  the 
tariff  of  1846?  What  I  understand  to  be  the  prin- 


172  The  LIFE  of  J.  CLANCY  JONES 

ciples  of  the  tariff  of  1846  are,  first,  that  it  shall  have 
a  revenue  standard,  and  shall  be  adjusted  with  revenue 
for  its  primary  object.  This  is  one  of  its  principles, 
and  I,  for  one,  have  never  been  willing,  and  have  never 
proposed,  to  depart  from  that  standard  since  its  adop 
tion.  Another  principle  of  the  tariff  of  1846  is,  that 
the  duties  shall  be  ad  valorem.  No\v,  sir,  from  the 
day  when  that  tariff  passed,  in  1846,  to  this  day,  I 
have  never  seen  a  resolution  passed  by  the  Democracy 
of  Pennsylvania,  which  I  have  the  honor  in  part  to 
represent,  proposing  to  change  either  its  ad  valorem 
or  revenue  features.  If  that  be  our  true  position, 
then  I  wish  to  know  wherein  we  are  inconsistent. 
Starting  upon  this  ground  and  upon  these  principles, 
the  only  open  point  with  us  was,  this:  that  we  would 
ask  for  a  modification  of  the  details  of  the  tariff  when 
ever  the  exigencies  of  the  country  required  it.  And 
in  answer  to  the  honorable  gentleman  from  Ohio  [Mr. 
Cartter]  I  say,  that  four  months  ago  there  was  just 
such  an  exigency,  in  our  judgment,  and  I  moved  for 
the  modification,  not  of  its  principles,  but  of  one  of 
its  details.  Now  there  is  no  such  exigency,  and  I  am 
opposed  to  all  change  of  its  details  at  this  time.  That 
is  my  position;  and  it  is  perfectly  plain,  at  least  to 
me.  On  making  this  motion,  you  will  remember,  sir, 
that  it  was  then  ruled  out  of  order,  and  consequently 
I  had  no  opportunity  of  being  heard.  If  I  had,  I 
should  then  have  taken  the  same  ground  I  take  now. 
But  I  was  not  heard,  and,  except  to  the  Committee  of 
Ways  and  Means,  of  which  I  have  the  honor  to  be  a 
member,  my  position  was  not  understood.  An  oppor 
tunity  is  now  afforded  me  to  place  the  Democratic 
party  of  my  own  district,  as  I  understand  it,  in  its 


The  TARIFF  173 

true  position  on  this  question  of  the  tariff — the  posi 
tion  which  it  has  always  occupied  ever  since  the  pas 
sage  of  the  act  of  1846;  and  I  proceed  to  do  it. 

The  exigency  that  arose  at  the  last  session  of  Con 
gress  was  just  this:  the  tariff  is  ad  valorem,  and  the 
price  of  iron  had  fallen  so  low  that  thirty  per  cent,  was 
actually  far  below  the  revenue  standard.  I  could 
prove  to  the  satisfaction  of  any  man,  that  my  proposi 
tion,  made  at  the  last  session  of  Congress,  would  have 
increased  our  revenue  considerably.  If  it  could  have 
been  shown  that  my  proposition  was  going  to  check 
the  revenue,  or  to  go  beyond  the  revenue  standard, 
I  would  have  abandoned  it  at  once.  I  tell  the  gentle 
man  from  New  York  [Mr.  Brooks]  that  if  he  is  appre 
hensive  of  the  accumulation  of  a  surplus  revenue,  let 
the  tariff  remain  where  it  is  upon  iron  at  this  day; 
and  so  far  as  that  article  is  concerned  he  will  soon  find 
his  fears  to  be  groundless.  If  you  look  for  revenue 
from  the  present  tariff  on  iron,  it  will  be  like  calling 
spirits  from  the  vasty  deep;  it  will  not  come.  Under 
the  ad  valorem  system,  and  the  present  high  prices 
of  iron,  if  these  prices  continue  the  duty  will  soon  reach 
a  prohibitory  point,  and  the  iron  interests  of  the  coun 
try  do  not  want  that.  All  they  have  ever  asked  of 
this  Government  is  to  give  them  a  fixed  system;  sta 
bility  is  all  they  need  now,  and  they  will  get  along  very 
well.  Some  of  them,  it  is  true,  are  clamorous  for  pro 
tection;  but  a  majority  of  them  have  learned  that 
stability,  on  almost  any  tolerable  system,  is  best  for 
their  interests,  and  that  too  high  prices  are  just  as 
ruinous  as  too  low.  The  proposition  which  I  sub 
mitted  four  months  ago  to  this  House  was  based  upon 
the  resolution  which  I  have  read,  that  the  tariff  ought 


174  The  LIFE  of  J.  CLANCY  JONES 

to  be  modified,  from  time  to  time,  according  to  the 
exigencies  of  the  country,  that  is,  the  exigencies  of 
revenue.  It  was  then  expedient  to  offer  such  a  reso 
lution;  but  now  it  would  be  inexpedient,  because  at 
that  time  the  duty  was  far  below  the  revenue  standard, 
and  now  it  is  above  it. 

This,  then,  Mr.  Chairman,  is  the  position  of  the 
Democracy  of  my  district.  The  iron  interests,  irre 
spective  of  party,  are  gradually  making  up  their 
minds  to  abandon  all  hope  of  direct  protection.  They 
are  coming  to  the  conclusion,  especially  since  the  last 
election,  that  the  Democratic  party  is  the  party  of 
the  country;  that  its  policy  and  principles  will  rule 
this  country;  and  that,  although  they  may  not  get 
what  they  want  according  to  their  own  views,  they 
can  get  something  like  stability;  and  a  faithful  ad 
herence  by  the  Democratic  party  to  their  own  system 
will,  in  my  opinion,  soon  secure  their  acquiescence. 
The  iron  interest  is  fast  coming  to  the  conclusion 
now,  that  if  it  were  possible  for  the  Whig  party  to 
carry  a  protective  tariff  in  this  Congress,  or  in  any 
subsequent  one,  it  would  not  stand.  It  would  be 
repealed,  perhaps,  the  very  next  Congress.  There  is 
no  stability  in  it.  It  is  founded  on  the  supposition 
that  we  must  have  special  legislation  for  the  interests 
of  one  State.  And  who  could  expect  that  the  legisla 
tion  of  this  nation  should  be  adapted  to  the  peculiar 
interests  of  one  State,  at  the  expense  of  others?  If  the 
Whig  party  could  control  this  General  Government,  or 
had  power  to  adopt  this  policy  and  to  carry  it  out,  it 
might  answer  very  well  for  them.  But  this  is  not  likely 
to  happen ;  for  the  Democratic  party  can  never  so  far 
depart  from  their  general  principles,  as  to  give  protec- 


The  TARIFF  175 

tion  to  the  peculiar  interests  of  a  single  State  which 
may  be  at  war  with  the  interests  of  other  States.  Our 
manufacturing  interests  must  look,  therefore,  to  the 
policy  and  principles  of  the  Democratic  party,  and  take 
their  chances  on  the  platform  of  equality  with  the 
other  great  interests  of  the  country. 

In  this  view  their  only  chance  is  incidental  protec 
tion.  A  good  deal  has  been  said  about  this  incidental 
protection ;  but  it  seems  to  me  that  so  far  as  the  tariff 
question  is  concerned,  the  distinction  between  inci 
dental  and  accidental  is  scarcely-  perceptible,  espe 
cially  if  the  fluctuations  of  trade  are  called  accidents. 
If  I  understand  incidental  protection,  it  means  a  con 
tingency  dependent  upon  another  contingency;  that 
is  to  say,  that  an  ad  valorem  duty  tariff,  rising  and 
falling,  protects  the  article  incidentally  to  that  extent. 
Revenue  is  the  object,  protection  the  incident. 

I  will  state  precisely  the  ground  occupied  by  the 
Democratic  party  of  my  district  on  this  subject  of 
incidental  protection.  We  take  the  ground  of  the 
revenue  standard.  Put  your  revenue  standard  upon 
our  domestic  manufactures  at  the  highest  revenue 
point,  and  the  only  incidental  protection  that  is  asked 
is  just  that  accidental  protection  which  may  result  from 
that  standard.  That  is  what  we  mean  by  incidental 
protection,  and  that  is  the  only  protection  for  which 
the  Democratic  party  of  my  district  now  contends. 

Mr.  Chairman,  representing  in  part  the  Common 
wealth  of  Pennsylvania,  I  say  that  upon  this  platform, 
in  my  opinion,  her  Democracy  now  stand,  and,  I  will 
add,  upon  this  the  iron  and  manufacturing  interests 
of  my  State  will  be  compelled  to  stand.  I  believe,  also, 
that  in  order  to  secure  stability,  and  to  give  us  the 


176  The  LIFE  of  J.  CLANCY  JONES 

greatest  amount  of  incidental  protection,  consistent 
with  the  principles  of  the  Democratic  party,  the  coun 
try  is  disposed  to  give  this  system  their  support,  or 
at  least  acquiescence.  This  position,  sir,  is  ad  valorem 
against  specific  duties;  a  tariff  for  revenue  against 
protection.  No  man  pretends  to  doubt,  I  presume, 
now  that  a  tariff  strictly  construed  is  a  tax.  It  is 
nothing  but  indirect  taxation,  or  taxation  upon  con 
sumption.  I  was  very  glad  to  hear  my  honorable 
friend  from  South  Carolina  [Mr.  Woodward]  state  the 
other  day  that  he  regarded  a  horizontal  tariff  as  a 
perfect  farce. 

Now,  Mr.  Chairman,  I  would  like  any  gentleman 
who  undertakes  to  discuss  this  tariff  question,  to  tell 
me  how  he  can  adjust  a  tariff  for  revenue  on  a  hori 
zontal  scale.  The  gentleman  [Mr.  Woodward]  showed 
most  conclusively,  in  his  speech,  that  if  you  adopt  a 
tariff  for  revenue,  you  must  place  the  duty  on  some 
articles  at  five,  some  at  ten,  and  some  at  twenty  or 
thirty  per  cent.  A  horizontal  tariff  would  produce 
no  revenue  on  some  articles. 

But,  Mr.  Chairman,  I  have  further  to  remark  on 
this  subject,  that,  in  my  opinion,  such  a  tariff  as  I 
have  described  must  end  in  free  trade.  I  want  to  be 
distinctly  understood  upon  this  question,  because  I 
was  pleased  the  other  day  to  hear  the  honorable 
gentleman  from  South  Carolina  [Mr.  Woodward]  de 
fine  his  idea,  or  give  his  definition  of  free  trade.  If  I 
understood  him  correctly,  he  said  the  day  would  come 
when  the  imports  into  this  country  would  not  bear 
any  duty  at  all,  because  our  own  manufacturing  produc 
tions  would  be  furnished  so  cheap  that  they  could  come 
into  competition  with  any  produced  in  the  world. 


The  TARIFF  177 

Now,  I  believe  this  position  to  be  correct,  and  I  give 
it  my  cordial  approval.  In  that  view,  I  am  a  prospec 
tive  free-trader,  and  a  progressive  one,  too,  in  that 
ratio.  I  am  willing  to  be  a  free-trader  out  and  out,  as 
soon  as  we  arrive  at  that  point.  I  firmly  believe  it 
will  be  reached.  And  I  will  say  further,  that  I  not  only 
concur  with  him  in  this  view,  but  the  Democratic 
party  of  Pennsylvania  also  concur  in  these  views. 
To  illustrate  this,  I  will  show,  before  I  conclude,  that 
there  has  been  progress  in  Pennsylvania  on  this  ques 
tion,  and  in  that  direction.  They  believe  that  this 
matter  will  end  in  free  trade.  They  are  willing  to  be 
free-traders,  when  we  shall  have  arrived  at  that  point 
when  the  imports  into  this  country  will  not  bear  duties. 

So  far,  then,  we  agree  upon  principle.  Where, 
then,  is  the  difference  between  what  are  miscalled 
tariff  Democrats  and  free-traders?  It  is  a  distinction 
without  a  difference.  Our  position  is  identical,  if  only 
properly  understood.  We  agree  upon  a  tariff  for 
revenue,  upon  the  ad  valorem  principle,  and  we  agree 
upon  the  question  of  progressive  free -trade  ism.  Where, 
then,  is  the  difference?  It  does  not  exist.  A  tariff 
Democrat  is  a  misnomer. 

The  next  question  is  as  to  the  adjustment  or  dis 
crimination  of  this  tariff.  The  Baltimore  platform  has 
laid  down  a  principle  for  the  Democratic  party,  that 
no  one  interest  shall  be  fostered  at  the  expense  of 
another.  I  subscribe  to  that  principle.  I  shall  ask 
for  discrimination  in  any  tariff,  but  I  shall  not  ask  for 
a  discrimination  in  favor  of  any  article  beyond  the 
revenue  standard,  nor  shall  I  ask  it  at  the  expense  of 
any  other  interest.  That  is  what  I  understand  by  the 
Baltimore  platform.  You  must  not  protect,  in  any 

VOL.  1—12 


178  The  LIFE  of  J.  CLANCY  JONES 

way,  or  foster,  any  one  interest  of  the  country  at  the 
expense  of  another. 

The  question  now  under  discussion  is,  how  shall 
you  adjust  the  duties  to  reduce  the  revenue  and 
avoid  a  surplus?  I  agree  with  some  of  the  gentlemen 
who  have  preceded  me  upon  this  subject,  and  the  very 
moment  there  is  an  accumulation  of  surplus  revenue 
in  the  Treasury,  and  there  is  no  mode  of  disposing  of 
it  in  a  proper  and  legitimate  manner  except  by  a 
reduction  of  the  duties,  I  will  go  any  length  to  secure 
that  reduction.  That  is,  as  I  understand  it,  all  that 
is  asked.  And  while  I  am  opposed  at  this  present 
time  to  any  reduction  of  the  tariff  of  1846,  as  being 
fraught,  in  my  opinion,  with  nothing  but  mischief,  I 
will  say  now,  that  in  one  year  from  this  time,  after  we 
have  all  the  light,  all  the  information,  and  all  the 
statistics  we  want — when  we  have  had  time  to  deliber 
ate  upon  the  proper  mode  of  reduction — I  will  most 
cheerfully  concur  in  such  a  reduction. 

I  have  no  hesitation  now  in  expressing  my  own 
views  to  the  House  of  the  proper  mode  of  reduction. 
In  the  first  place,  the  principle  I  set  out  with  is,  that 
we  ought  to  have  an  economical  administration  of  the 
General  Government.  I  subscribe  to  that  principle, 
and,  as  a  member  of  the  Committee  of  Ways  and 
Means,  I  will  vote  for  a  reduction  in  the  next  fiscal 
year  of  $6,000,000  of  the  current  expenditure.  The 
proposition  of  the  gentleman  from  New  York  [Mr. 
Brooks]  is  to  reduce  the  income  or  revenue  of  the 
Government,  with  a  view  of  meeting  only  the  expenses 
of  the  Government,  economically  administered.  I 
concur  in  this,  and,  as  I  have  just  remarked,  I  will 
vote  in  the  Committee  of  Ways  and  Means,  and  in  the 


The  TARIFF  179 

House,  to  reduce  the  annual  appropriation  for  defray 
ing  the  current  expenses  of  the  Government  for  the 
next  fiscal  year  $6,000,000,  which  will  reduce  the 
whole  amount  to  $40,000,000.  I  am  willing  to  meet 
that  contingency  now  by  applying  this  surplus  revenue 
to  the  cancellation  of  the  national  debt,  so  far  as  it 
can  be  done.  This  will  dispose  of  a  portion  of  it.  In 
the  next  place,  if,  after  this,  it  be  found  that  we  have 
a  surplus  in  the  Treasury,  and  no  employment  for  it, 
I  will  agree  to  a  reduction  of  the  tariff  of  1846,  first  by 
an  extension  of  the  free  list.  In  order  to  understand 
this,  I  suppose  myself  to  be  two  years  hence — for  that 
will  be  soon  enough — with  the  national  debt  paid  as 
far  as  it  can  be  done  with  the  surplus  revenue  now  on 
hand,  and  such  as  shall  accrue  in  the  mean  time,  and 
the  administration  of  the  Government  of  the  United 
States  reduced  to  the  most  economical  point  practi 
cable,  and  that  we  are  starting  out  now  to  reduce  the 
revenue  of  the  Government  to  meet  only  the  actual 
wants  of  such  economical  administration.  I  repeat, 
then,  that  I  would  first  extend  the  free  list ;  I  would, 
in  the  next  place,  levy  a  duty  upon  all  articles  which 
we  manufacture  at  the  revenue,  the  highest  revenue 
standard.  That  would  make  a  beginning.  I  would 
place  a  duty  on  these  articles  at  the  highest  revenue 
standard — no  higher  and  no  lower.  That  is  Democratic 
doctrine ;  that  is  a  revenue  tariff — and  what  next  ? 
Why,  I  would  then  make  all  articles  of  foreign  growth 
or  foreign  production,  which  are  consumed  by  the 
masses  (excluding  a  certain  class  of  luxuries),  and 
which  we  do  not  manufacture  in  this  country,  free  of 
all  duty,  or,  if  that  would  take  off  too  much  revenue, 
I  would  reduce  it  down  to  the  lowest  compatible  point. 


180  The  LIFE  of  J.  CLANCY  JONES 

I  believe  I  agree  with  the  gentleman  from  New  York 
[Mr.  Brooks]  in  regard  to  extending  this  free  list,  or 
in  reducing  the  duties  on  this  species  of  productions 
just  to  the  point  required  to  pay  the  expenses  of  the 
Government,  economically  administered. 

These  are  precisely  my  views  upon  this  subject, 
and  I  believe  they  embody  the  views  of  most  of  my 
Democratic  constituents,  or  those  of  the  Democratic 
party  generally  in  Pennsylvania.  That  is  the  doctrine 
of  the  Baltimore  platform,  and  it  is  the  principle  em 
bodied  in  the  tariff  of  1846.  There  is  where  the  Demo 
crats  of  Pennsylvania  place  themselves;  and  we  are 
willing  to  stand  upon  those  principles  with  you.  We 
only  ask  that  when  a  modification  of  the  tariff  of  1846 
shall  come,  that  you  will  place  the  highest  revenue 
standard  upon  such  articles  as  are  manufactured  in 
this  country. 

I  agree  with  the  honorable  gentleman  from  South 
Carolina  [Mr.  Woodward]  in  another  point — that  no 
tariff  can  be  made  a  permanent  one.  There  is  no 
such  thing  as  making  it  permanent,  because  the  cir 
cumstances  or  causes  which  regulate  it  are  subject  to 
the  laws  of  trade,  and  it  is  not  in  the  power  of  human 
legislation  to  make  it  permanent  unless  that  legisla 
tion  can  be  made  to  regulate  also  the  laws  of  supply 
and  demand.  Otherwise  you  cannot  make  a  tariff  by 
any  invention  of  man  which  can  remain  permanent. 
It  must  change  according  to  the  circumstances  which 
may  arise,  and  all  you  can  do  is  to  establish  settled 
principles  by  which  to  guide  yourselves  in  running  on 
with  this  progressive  tendency  to  free  trade,  and  I  do 
solemnly  believe  that  this  progression  will  not  only  be 
the  highest  indication  of  the  success  of  our  manufac- 


The  TARIFF  181 

tures,  but  of  the  greatness,  the  growth,  and  glory  of 
our  country. 

I  wish,  Mr.  Chairman,  to  say,  in  connection  with 
this  subject,  that  the  point  of  difference  between 
myself  and  some  gentlemen  upon  this  floor  is,  that  I 
make  a  discrimination  in  favor  of  manufactures;  so 
I  do,  but  I  am  in  favor  of  our  manufactures  against 
that  which  we  do  not  produce,  and  which  is  not  indige 
nous  to  our  soil.  Is  not  this  Democratic?  I  would  like 
any  gentleman  to  tell  me  where  I  shall  go  to  find  a 
better  Democratic  doctrine.  Does  it  make  any  differ 
ence,  taking  the  tariff  as  a  tax,  whether  a  man  pays 
two  dollars  duty  on  one  article,  and  nothing  on  another, 
or  pays  one  dollar  on  each?  None  at  all,  provided 
both  articles  enter  alike  into  general  consumption. 
Does  it  make  any  difference  whether  you  lay  the 
burdens  of  the  Government  on  one  article  of  general 
consumption,  or  on  two?  I  can  see  none.  If  that 
position  be  correct,  then  it  makes  no  difference  whether 
your  tariff  is  laid  upon  articles  of  manufacture  or  not, 
provided  it  is  laid  upon  articles  of  general  consumption 
entering  into  all  classes  of  society. 

If  articles  of  manufacture  are  articles  of  general 
consumption,  and  if  it  is  your  object  by  the  indirect 
mode  of  taxation  to  distribute  the  burdens  of  the 
Government  equally  upon  all,  by  laying  these  duties 
upon  manufactures,  you  will  reach  that  point  as 
nearly  as  is  practicable.  Call  it,  then,  a  tax,  and  that 
tax  is  laid  upon  manufactures  at  the  revenue  standard ; 
then  make  a  free  list,  and  what  is  the  effect?  Why, 
sir,  do  not  you  reap  the  benefits  on  every  article  that 
is  introduced  into  the  country  free — every  article,  I 
mean,  of  raw  material?  Every  such  article  that  is 


182  The  LIFE  of  J.  CLANCY  JONES 

placed  upon  the  free  list  is  manufactured  in  this 
country,  and  enters  into  the  general  consumption  of 
the  whole  country;  and  is  not  this  fair?  Take,  for 
instance,  the  articles  of  tea  and  coffee;  they  are  not 
produced  in  this  country,  but  they  come  here  free  of 
duty ;  they  are  diffused  all  over  the  country,  and  every 
man  partakes  of  the  benefit  of  them  as  free  articles. 
Is  not  that  equal?  Is  it  not  just?  Why,  sir,  the  only 
possible  discrimination  it  can  make  is  in  favor  of  the 
poor  and  the  laboring  classes,  against  the  rich  and 
those  who  are  best  able  to  bear  the  burdens  of  tax 
ation.  But  I  am  talking  of  this  principle  as  consistent 
with  the  principles  of  the  Democratic  party — a  dis 
crimination  in  favor  of  a  free  list!  Why,  sir,  I  wrould 
be  willing  to  meet  any  Democrat  upon  that  argument, 
because  it  is  as  clear  to  my  mind  as  anything  can  be. 
I  ask  any  Democrat  to  meet  me  with  the  Baltimore 
platform  before  him,  or  any  position  the  Democratic 
party  of  the  country  has  ever  taken,  and  show  me 
that  there  is  any  injustice  or  inequality,  or  any  taxing 
of  one  interest  of  the  country  at  the  expense  of  another 
by  extending  your  free  list,  and  placing  a  tariff  at  the 
revenue  standard  upon  your  manufactured  articles. 

Now,  sir,  taking  that  position,  what  next?  Why, 
Mr.  Chairman,  we  shall  then  begin  to  reduce  the  revenue 
standard,  and  then  according  to  the  position  of  the 
gentleman  from  South  Carolina  [Mr.  Woodward],  we 
shall,  in  a  period  of  time,  which  he  perhaps  sees  in  the 
distance,  arrive  at  free  trade. 

MR.  CLINGMAN.  I  wish  to  see  if  I  understand  the 
gentleman's  proposition.  His  principle,  if  I  apprehend 
him  aright,  is,  that  the  duty  shall  be  imposed  upon 
those  articles  which  are  manufactured  in  this  country. 


The  TARIFF  183 

For  example,  to  illustrate  my  views,  salt  is  an  article 
of  general  consumption.  If  you  impose  a  duty  upon 
salt,  it  appears  that  the  salt-makers  of  this  country 
would  pay  no  part  of  that  duty,  because  they  would 
sell  and  not  buy.  I  would  like  to  know  of  the  gentle 
man  whether,  if  you  impose  duties  upon  articles  manu 
factured  in  this  country  alone,  you  will  not  thereby 
relieve  the  manufacturer  from  all  share  in  supporting 
the  Government;  and  I  should  like  to  know  how  he 
would  work  out  his  policy  in  practice. 

MR.  JONES.  I  did  not  in  this  discussion  propose  to 
go  into  all  the  details  of  all  possible  contingencies  that 
might  arise  out  of  a  modification  of  the  tariff.  I  have 
no  objection — although  I  do  not  understand  the 
gentleman's  proposition  exactly — to  repeat  my  views 
in  general  terms. 

MR.  CLINGMAN  (interrupting).  If  the  gentleman  will 
allow  me  a  single  word  further.  I  have  no  doubt,  if 
there  were  some  one  article  which  everybody  consumed, 
it  would  make  no  difference  if  you  put  the  tax  upon 
that  article.  But  I  wish  to  direct  the  gentleman's 
attention  to  the  difficulty  in  practice  in  carrying  out 
any  such  general  principle  as  he  lays  down.  For 
example,  you  cannot  take  any  one  article,  manu 
factured  in  this  country,  that  everybody  will  buy  alike. 
Here  will  be  the  difficulty  of  carrying  out  his  prin 
ciples.  I  would  like  to  have  the  gentleman  go  a  little 
into  detail,  and  show  me  how  the  principle  is  to  be 
carried  out.  I  can  well  understand  how,  if  you  tax 
everything,  everybody  will  contribute ;  but  if  you 
select  an  article  manufactured  in  this  country  alone, 
and  impose  a  duty  upon  that,  then,  of  course,  the 
manufacturers,  as  they  do  not  buy  that  article,  pay  no 


184  The  LIFE  of  J.  CLANCY  JONES 

part  of  the  duty;  but  upon  the  other  hand  they  get 
a  benefit  in  the  shape  of  protection,  and  a  bounty  in 
the  high  prices.  It  seems  to  me  that  they  have  no 
right  to  ask  us  to  relieve  them  altogether. 

MR.  JONES  (resuming).  I  thought  I  stated  dis 
tinctly,  in  my  proposition,  that  I  expected  nothing 
perfect  in  this  world — at  least,  I  never  found  it — and 
if  I  intimated  that  any  tariff  could  be  adjusted  with 
equal  justice  to  every  man  in  the  Union,  I  certainly 
meant  no  such  thing.  All  that  we  can  do  in  the  ad 
justment  of  the  details  of  the  tariff  is,  to  get  as  near 
the  point  as  we  possibly  can.  That  some  men  will  not 
be  equally  taxed  with  others  is  all  very  true.  In  ad 
justing  the  tariff  upon  consumption,  he  who  consumes 
the  most  pays  the  most  taxes.  That  is  all  I  mean  to 
say  now,  without  going  into  details,  because  I  am  not 
prepared  to  argue  that  question  at  this  time,  and  I 
may  upon  another  occasion  go  into  the  details  of  it. 
All  that  we  can  do  is  to  aim  as  near  that  point  as  we 
possibly  can,  and  if  the  gentleman  will  suggest  some 
thing  better,  I  will  be  willing  to  join  him.  I  may  say, 
however,  that  he  is  mistaken  in  saying  manufacturers 
are  not  consumers;  but  I  concede  it  is  not  so  much  a 
question  of  principle,  as  it  is  one  of  expediency,  con 
sistent  with  principle. 

Now,  Mr.  Chairman,  I  believe  I  have  gone  over  the 
points,  and  I  do  not  wish  to  occupy  any  time  in  re 
peating  them.  I  have  stated  them,  as  a  matter  of 
course — as  general  principles — and  I  can  do  nothing 
else  in  one  hour.  When  I  am  called  upon  to  define 
the  position  of  my  party  at  home,  in  my  district, 
upon  the  prospective  reduction  of  the  whole  tariff 
system,  and  occupying  one  half  or  two  thirds  of  the 


The  TARIFF  185 

time  in  defending  the  positions  I  take,  it  is  utterly 
impossible  for  me  to  go  into  any  argument  in  exposi 
tion  of  my  views  upon  the  details  of  this  tariff.  There 
fore  I  pass  that  by,  upon  general  principles;  but  I 
repeat,  that  when  the  time  comes,  we  stand  ready  to 
adjust  the  duties  of  this  tariff,  upon  the  revenue  stand 
ard,  on  all  that  we  manufacture  or  produce,  and  con 
sequently  to  extend  the  free  list,  and  reduce  the  duties 
upon  those  articles  which  we  do  not  produce,  to  such 
a  point  as  may  come  within  the  requisites  of  the  Gov 
ernment,  to  meet  its  economical  expenditures;  and  if 
that  produces  a  surplus  revenue,  then  we  go  one  step 
further,  and  reduce  below  the  revenue  point,  and  so 
continue  from  time  to  time,  progressively,  until  we  are 
brought  to  entire  free  trade.  That  was  the  position 
I  was  endeavoring  to  explain,  so  as  to  be  understood. 

Now,  I  have  something  to  say  in  relation  to  the 
position  which  the  State  of  Pennsylvania  has  occupied 
in  relation  to  those  views,  ever  since  the  tariff  of  1846 
was  passed.  I  have  already  stated  that  the  resolution 
I  read  was  adopted  in  1846. 

However,  before  I  touch  upon  that  subject,  I  wish 
to  say  one  word  in  relation  to  the  effect  this  course 
will  produce  upon  the  country.  I  have  already  stated 
that  the  effect  of  this  will  be,  in  the  first  instance,  to 
throw  the  burden  upon  the  richer  classes,  and  to  relieve 
the  poorer  and  laboring  classes.  But  there  is  one  class 
it  will  not  relieve,  and  that  is  the  corporations  and 
monopolies  of  the  country,  and  consequently  I  cannot 
satisfy  those  honorable  gentlemen  who  are  in  favor  of 
exempting  railroad  iron,  and  making  it  free  of  duty — 
for  I  am  at  issue  with  them — or  if  they  cannot  agree 
with  me,  and  go  upon  principle,  convince  me  I  am 


186  The  LIFE  of  J.  CLANCY  JONES 

wrong,  and  I  will  abandon  the  point.  I  say  the  Demo 
cratic  party  is  against  such  a  course.  You  cannot 
discriminate  by  making  railroad  iron  free  of  duty, 
unless  you  lay  down  the  principle  that  it  is  proper 
and  right  to  discriminate  in  favor  of  corporations 
and  monopolies,  because  that  is  the  tendency  of  it. 
I  have  been  astonished  to  see  that  gentlemen,  who 
have  been  talking  about  the  principles  of  this  tariff, 
and  apprehending  that  I  was  departing  from  them, 
are  in  favor  of  making  railroad  iron  free.  Now,  I 
want  those  gentlemen  to  tell  me  how  they  are  to  resist 
this  issue.  If  you  are  in  favor  of  repealing  the  duties 
on  railroad  iron,  then  you  are  in  favor  of  discriminating 
favorably  to  corporations  and  monopolies.  If,  upon 
the  other  hand,  you  argue  with  me  that  such  a  course 
is  for  the  benefit  of  the  whole  country,  then  you  are 
in  favor  of  aiding  internal  improvements  at  the  ex 
pense  of  Government.  It  will  not  do  to  say  that,  in 
taking  off  thirty  per  cent,  in  favor  of  railroad  iron 
indirectly  you  are  not  thereby  giving  thirty  per  cent, 
to  corporations  out  of  the  funds  of  the  Government. 
There  is  no  distinction  at  all  that  I  can  see,  conse 
quently  in  voting  to  discriminate  in  favor  of  railroad 
iron,  and  making  it  duty  free,  the  effect  of  it  irresistibly 
is,  that  you  either  discriminate  in  favor  of  corporations, 
or  you  are  in  favor  of  taking  the  money  out  of  the 
Treasury  for  disbursing  it  in  favor  of  internal  improve 
ments.  I  am  opposed  to  both. 

Mr.  Chairman,  the  Commonwealth  of  Pennsylvania, 
or  at  least  the  Democratic  party  in  it,  have  always 
advanced  on  sound  principles.  We  have  often  been 
told  that  we  are  unsound.  I  say  that  we  have  always 
shown  ourselves  willing  to  advance,  and  I  can  prove 


The  TARIFF  187 

it  by  the  records.  How  is  it  on  the  bank  question? 
Who  created  that  bank?  Was  it  the  Democratic 
party  of  Pennsylvania?  Sir,  it  was  the  creature  of 
this  General  Government.  If  it  be  unconstitutional 
to  have  a  national  bank,  you  are  responsible  for  it, 
and  not  the  State  of  Pennsylvania.  Not  only  that, 
sir,  but  it  has  been  our  misfortune  to  have  your  very 
erroneous  legislation  located  in  our  State.  When  you 
created  a  national  bank  of  thirty-six  millions  of  dol 
lars,  you  planted  it  in  my  State,  and  then  turned 
round  and  found  fault  with  us  because  we  had  it  there . 
Why,  sir,  it  was  your  error,  and  not  ours ;  all  the 
political  heresies  that  have  ever  got  into  the  State  of 
Pennsylvania,  have  come  from  this  General  Govern 
ment;  and  that  State  learned  all  her  heresies  in  your 
school.  Now,  on  the  bank  question  we  have  ad 
vanced,  and  come  to  occupy  a  true  position  upon  it. 
We  agree  that  a  national  bank  is  an  obsolete  idea. 
Is  not  that  advancing  upon  sound  principles?  And  I 
hope,  sir,  to  see  that  very  principle,  some  day  or  other, 
impregnating  the  Supreme  Bench  of  this  Union.  I 
hope  to  see  the  constitutionality  of  the  Bank  of  the 
United  States  reversed  by  the  Supreme  Court;  and  I 
also  wish  to  see  the  case  of  Prigg  vs.  The  Common 
wealth,  reversed  too;  then  I  shall  be  satisfied  with 
the  opinions  and  position  of  the  Supreme  Court  of  the 
United  States. 

That  is  the  doctrine  of  the  Supreme  Court,  and  not 
of  Pennsylvania.  The  dissenting  opinion  of  Chief - 
Justice  Taney,  according  to  my  judgment,  is  more  in 
accordance  with  their  public  views. 

How  is  it  with  the  question  of  the  constitutional 
treasury?  Is  not  Pennsylvania  sound  upon  that  ques- 


188  The  LIFE  of  J.  CLANCY  JONES 

tion?  If  she  be  sound,  does  it  not  prove  that  she  ad 
vances  upon  principle,  and  is  always  right?  All  that 
she  asks  in  reference  to  these  great  questions  of  the 
country  is  to  allow  time  to  deliberate.  She  does  not 
want  to  be  put  under  a  high  pressure  all  the  time  by 
hasty  changes,  even  where  error  exists  and  has  taken 
deep  root. 

I  respect  the  opinions  of  those  gentlemen  of  the 
South  who  differ  with  me  upon  the  manner  of  modify 
ing  the  tariff.  We  meet  you  upon  the  tariff  of  '46 
now,  and  beg  you  not  to  leave  its  principles  until  you 
at  least  succeed  in  convincing  us  it  is  wrong.  When 
you  do  that,  we  will  go  with  you.  Allow  us  to  take 
counsel  with  you  upon  these  principles,  and  when  the 
proper  time  comes,  we  will  always  advance  upon 
principle.  Only  convince  us  that  we  are  wrong,  and 
Pennsylvania  will  follow  the  right. 

How  is  it  on  the  question  of  the  distribution  of  the 
proceeds  of  the  public  lands?  Precisely  the  same. 
Pennsylvania  is  sound  upon  that  question — as  sound 
as  any  portion  of  the  Democracy  of  the  country. 
How  is  she  upon  the  execution  of  the  fugitive  slave 
law?  When  the  country  was  supposed  to  be  in  danger, 
did  not  Pennsylvania  come  to  the  rescue,  and  sustain, 
not  the  South,  but  the  Constitution?  She  was  called, 
at  the  North,  a  dough-face. 

She  has  been  called  a  follower  of  Southern  doctrines. 
Sir,  she  recognizes  the  doctrine  of  No  North,  no  South, 
but  the  Constitution  and  the  Union;  the  Constitution 
just  as  our  fathers  made  it,  enforced  and  interpreted 
by  the  principles  of  strict  construction. 

She  has  always  loved  and  admired  Southern  con 
stitutional  doctrines;  not  because  they  are  Southern, 


The  TARIFF  189 

but  because  in  general  they  are  sound  in  her  judg 
ment;  but  she  has  never  lacked  the  nerve  to  forbear 
to  follow  when  she  believed  them  to  be  wrong. 

I  well  remember  when  no  man  within  the  limits 
of  this  broad  Union  occupied  a  larger  share  of  her 
affections  than  the  distinguished  Senator  from  South 
Carolina,  now  gone  to  his  grave.  And  yet,  when  he 
took  a  position  in  1832  which  she  regarded  as  danger 
ous  and  unwise,  she  ceased  to  follow  him  on  that 
question,  although  she  never  ceased  to  honor,  to  love, 
and  to  admire  him. 

It  is  upon  the  Constitution  that  she  desires  to  stand, 
recognizing  no  higher  law  in  the  administration  of  the 
Government. 

I  cannot  speak  for  the  whole  State,  which  I  have 
the  honor  in  part  only  to  represent,  except  so  far  as 
my  own  opinions  go  of  her  position;  but  I  think  I 
understand  her  pretty  well,  and  I  can  speak  with  con 
fident  assurance,  at  least  for  my  own  district,  when  I 
say  that  they  repudiate  the  doctrine  of  Prigg  vs.  The 
Commonwealth  of  Pennsylvania,  as  well  as  that  other 
famous  decision,  in  which  a  United  States  Bank  is 
declared  to  be  constitutional,  or  rather  perfectly  con 
sistent  with  the  spirit  of  that  instrument — falling 
within  the  powers  not  granted  expressly,  but  which 
in  that  case  were  held  to  be  necessary  for  carrying 
out  those  that  expressly  were  granted. 

The  tone  of  public  sentiment  in  Pennsylvania,  in 
my  opinion,  is  against  both  of  these  decisions.  They 
hold  them  to  be  wrong,  and  will  hail  the  day  with 
pleasure  when  the  Supreme  Court  shall  deem  it  expedi 
ent  to  reverse  them;  professionally,  as  a  member  of 
that  court,  I  respect  the  decisions;  as  a  representative, 


190  The  LIFE  of  J.  CLANCY  JONES 

desirous  of  faithfully  expressing  the  sentiments  of  my 
constituents,  which,  in  this  particular,  are  in  conso 
nance  with  my  own  judgment,  I  repudiate  them  as 
unsound  and  untenable.  It  wTas  precisely,  then,  upon 
these  principles,  that  in  1851  the  Democratic  party  of 
Pennsylvania  planted  itself  upon  the  doctrine  that  the 
fugitive  slave  law  should  be  faithfully  executed  in 
Pennsylvania,  and  that  her  act  of  Assembly,  refusing 
our  jails  to  the  General  Government,  should  be  re 
pealed,  because  such  a  position  was  absolutely  re 
quired  at  that  crisis  from  a  party  which  professed  to 
respect  the  compromises  of  the  Constitution,  and  also 
professed  to  have  nerve  enough  to  say  and  do  before 
the  world  what  it  believed  to  be  right.  It  was  in  my 
own  district  (Berks)  that  the  convention  met  and 
adopted  this  platform,  nominating  on  it  the  present 
amiable  and  distinguished  Executive  of  the  State, 
William  Bigler.  Eight  thousand  majority  crowned 
their  success,  and  settled  the  question,  I  trust,  forever. 

I  do  not,  Mr.  Chairman,  mention  these  things  in  a 
vain  spirit  of  boasting.  Other  States  were  just  as 
true ;  but  I  deem  it  due  to  the  State  which  I  in  part 
represent,  to  refer  to  it  in  support  of  my  argument— 
that  Pennsylvania  is  not  stationary,  as  she  is  most 
unjustly  represented  to  be,  but  has  always  been  true 
to  the  Constitution,  and  is  always  progressive  upon 
sound  principles. 

Now,  sir,  apply  this  rule  to  her  action  on  the  tariff. 
The  tariff  of  1842  was  not  understood  by  Pennsyl 
vania  herself  when  Mr.  Walker  proposed  to  establish 
the  tariff  of  1846.  It  was  working  well  at  that  time; 
and  although  the  Democratic  party  never  endorsed 
its  principles  and  details,  it  was  averse  to  change — 


The  TARIFF  191 

more  from  motives  of  fear  of  the  consequences  that 
might  ensue  than  from  an  approval  of  its  principles. 
In  1844  the  honorable  Mr.  McKay,  of  North  Carolina, 
chairman  of  the  Committee  of  Ways  and  Means, 
offered  to  Pennsylvania  forty  per  cent,  on  iron ;  she 
declined  it,  however,  because  she  feared  the  change 
might  not  work  well;  she  was  not  then  prepared  for 
it.  Ini846a  bill  was  passed  establishing  ad  valorems, 
and  putting  the  duties  on  iron  at  thirty  per  cent. 
This  was  passed  without  the  vote  of  Pennsylvania, 
excepting  the  vote  of  the  Hon.  David  Wilmot,  for 
precisely  the  same  reasons. 

I  now  again  refer  to  the  resolution  adopted  by  the 
Democratic  convention  of  Berks  County,  in  Septem 
ber,  1846,  to  show  you  that,  in  principle,  she  was 
right  then,  and  only  wanted  time  to  carry  it  out. 
Now,  sir,  observe  her  progress:  she  was  silent  on  the 
subject,  asking  no  modification  for  four  years.  To 
wards  the  close  of  the  first  session  of  this  Congress, 
I  offered  an  amendment  not  to  change  a  single  prin 
ciple  of  the  act;  but  finding  that  in  consequence  of 
the  very  cheap  rates  of  iron  that  the  duties  had  fallen 
far  below  the  revenue  standard,  my  object  was  to  change 
the  mode  of  appraisement  so  as  to  bring  it  up  to  that 
standard.  Could  I  have  obtained  a  hearing,  I  would 
then  have  stated  just  what  I  state  to-day,  that  Penn 
sylvania  will  stand  by  the  tariff  of  1846,  in  principle- 
preserving  ad  valorems  with  the  revenue  standard; 
but  on  our  own  manufactures  we  ask  you  to  keep  the 
duties  up  to  the  revenue  standard — not  to  go  beyond 
it,  nor  fall  behind  it.  If  this  produces  a  surplus  revenue, 
pay  off  the  national  debt.  If  a  surplus  still  remains, 
extend  your  free  list  on  articles  not  produced  or  manu- 


192  The  LIFE  of  J.  CLANCY  JONES 

factured  here ;  and  in  doing  so  confine  it  to  articles  of 
general  consumption  by  the  masses  (omitting  luxu 
ries  as  falling  within  the  exception  to  this  rule) .  If  this 
fails,  then  reduce  below  the  revenue  standard  on  your 
manufactures,  until,  in  the  process  of  time,  you  reach 
absolute  free  trade — if  you  prefer  it — and  by  this 
gradual,  progressive  reduction,  you  will  find,  when  the 
time  comes,  your  manufacturer  will  be  able  to  bid 
defiance  to  the  world;  and  all  this  can  be  secured  in 
the  adjustment  of  a  revenue  ad  valorem  tariff. 

I  should  have  stated  these  facts  at  the  last  session 
could  I  have  had  a  hearing.  My  views  were  just  the 
same  then  as  now;  accordingly,  as  I  have  already 
answered  the  gentleman  from  Ohio  [Mr.  Cartter],  I 
moved  to  modify  them,  because  the  duty  had  fallen 
far  below  the  revenue  standard.  Now,  sir,  I  am  op 
posed  to  modification  at  this  session,  because  although 
the  duty  is  now  too  high,  I  have  no  faith  in  its  stay 
ing  there.  In  six  months  it  may  be  down  again;  but 
if  it  continues  up,  I  would  most  certainly  favor  reduc 
tion  until  you  come  down  to  the  revenue  standard. 
My  position  then  is,  that  an  ad  valorem  tariff  fluctuat 
ing  with  the  trade  of  the  country  cannot  be  permanent ; 
and  in  order  to  make  it  effective,  you  must  change  from 
time  to  time  and  follow  the  fluctuating  standard  up  or 
down  the  scale,  just  as  the  laws  of  supply  and  demand 
may  please  to  send  it. 

I  have  said  that  Pennsylvania  progresses  on  all 
these  questions  on  sound  principles.  In  1844,  she 
refused  McKay's  bill;  in  1851,  she  came  here  and 
offered  to  take  it:  it  was  refused;  in  1852,  she  asked 
a  modification  of  the  tariff  of  1846  merely  to  secure 
the  revenue  standard.  Now  she  accepts  it  just  as  it  is. 


The  TARIFF  193 

Next  year  if  it  be  too  high,  and  a  surplus  accumulates, 
she  will  go  with  you  to  reduce  it,  and  upon  the  prin 
ciples  I  have  laid  down,  she  will  go  with  you  till  it 
ends  in  free  trade,  if  the  country  so  wills  it.  All  she 
asks  is  that  you  will  only  move  cautiously,  and  gradu 
ally  give  stability  to  your  acts  as  you  advance,  and 
she  will  go  with  you  to  the  end.  I  felt  it  to  be  my 
duty,  to  the  extent  of  my  humble  ability,  at  the  earliest 
opportunity,  to  try  and  place  her  thus  fairly  before 
the  country.  I  do  not  arrogate  to  myself  the  right  to 
speak  for  her  by  authority.  I  am  but  one  of  her  Repre 
sentatives  ;  and  when  I  have  assumed  to  speak  for  the 
State,  I  wish  to  be  understood  as  only  speaking  by 
authority  for  my  district.  All  I  say  of  the  State  is  but 
the  result  of  careful  observation  and  well-settled 
opinions.  I  speak  only  for  the  Democratic  party  also, 
and  such  interests  as  I  believe  concur  with  it.  My 
colleagues  may  differ  from  me  on  many  or  all  of  my 
positions,  and  if  so  their  opinions  are  entitled  to  as 
favorable  a  hearing  as  mine  are. 


VOL  1—13 


CHAPTER  XIII. 

The  retirement  of  Millard  Fillmore  from  the  Presidency — The 
inauguration  of  Franklin  Pierce — Mr.  Jones  is  mentioned  for  the 
Cabinet — His  forecast  of  President  Pierce 's  Cabinet — The  pass 
ing  of  the  Whig  party — Mr.  Jones'  reputation  becomes  national 
— He  declines  a  reelection  to  Congress — The  death  of  Mr.  Jones' 
successor,  and  his  unsolicited  nomination  to  fill  the  vacancy — 
He  takes  his  seat  as  a  member  of  the  Thirty-third  Congress — 
His  residence  in  Washington — The  introduction  of  the  Kansas- 
Nebraska  Bill — The  Abolitionists — The  organization  of  the 
Territories  of  Kansas  and  Nebraska — Mr.  Jones'  support  of  the 
bill — The  Breckinridge-Cutting  affair — Cuba,  and  the  seizure  of 
the  American  steamship  "Black  Warrior." 

A  CHANGE  took  place  about  this  time  in  the 
administration  of  the  national  government 
by  the  retirement  of  Mr.  Fillmore  from 
the  Presidency,  and  the  inauguration  of  Franklin 
Pierce  on  March  4,  1853.  When  the  question  of 
the  formation  of  his  Cabinet  was  under  discussion, 
the  Pennsylvania  delegation  in  Congress  united  in 
recommending  Mr.  Jones  to  the  President  for 
appointment  to  one  of  these  places,  but  it  was  not 
encouraged  by  Mr.  Jones,  as  he  desired  to  retire 
from  public  life. 

The  following  letter  from  Mr.  Jones  to  a  friend 
shows  how  accurately  he  kept  himself  advised 
of  the  movements  of  events,  and  how  clearly  he 
was  able  to  forecast  the  Cabinet  of  President 
Pierce  more  than  a  week  before  it  was  publicly 
announced : 

194 


CHANGE  of  ADMINISTRATION  195 

HOUSE  OF  REPRESENTATIVES, 

WASHINGTON,  D.  C.,  25  Feb.,  1853. 
MY  DEAR  SIR: 

Genl.  Pierce  has  not  named  his  Cabinet;  but  it  is 
settled  with  a  unanimity  almost  unparalleled,  without 
his  authority.  I  dined  yesterday  at  Corcoran's,  and 
Marcy  was  present.  He  is  very  cheerful,  and  being 
rallied  half  a  dozen  times  on  the  premiership,  laughed 
heartily  and  said  smart  things,  not  one  of  them  even 
pretending  to  deny  it.  The  Cabinet  as  now  settled  in 
public  opinion,  nemine  contradicente,  is:  Marcy,  State 
Dept. ;  Guthrie,  Treasury;  Campbell,  Interior;  Jeff 
Davis,  War;  Dobbin,  Navy;  McClelland,  P.  O.  Dept.; 
Gushing,  Atty.  Genl.  If  this  fails  in  any  particular, 
then  no  outside  opinion  will  be  worth  listening  to.  Of 
the  above,  Marcy,  Guthrie,  Dobbin,  and  McClelland  are 
here ;  Davis  is  to  be  here  to-morrow,  Cushing  on 
Saturday,  and  Campbell  I  do  not  know  when.  Of  the 
above,  Campbell,  Dobbin,  and  Davis  are  Buchanan 
men;  McClelland  and  Guthrie,  Cass,  Cushing,  and 
Marcy  for  themselves.  Cass  is  angry,  and  says  he  has 
not  been  consulted  by  any  one  ;  Douglas  is  angry  too. 
Truly  Yours, 

J.  GLANCY  JONES. 

Mr.  Fillmore  was  the  last  Whig  President.  Be 
fore  his  retirement  the  rank  and  file  of  political 
parties  was  already  undergoing  rearrangement. 
The  disintegration  of  the  Whig  party  began  with 
the  nomination  of  General  Scott.  It  had  been 
made  up  of  the  political  fragments  into  which  the 
old  Federal  party  had  been  broken.  About  the 
year  1834  these  fragments  were  gathered  together 


196  The  LIFE  of  J.  GLANCY  JONES 

and  assumed  the  form  of  a  political  organization 
under  the  name  of  the  Whig  party.  The  name, 
of  course,  was  borrowed  from  the  Liberal  party  in 
England.  To  it  were  added  the  few  Democrats 
who  differed  with  General  Jackson.  Of  late  years 
the  growing  anti-slavery  sentiment  in  the  North 
had  been  spreading  into  its  ranks,  and  as  it  did 
so  it  drove  all  the  Southern  Whigs  out  of  the  party. 

This  disintegration  sealed  its  fate.  It  began 
with  an  address  to  the  people  issued  by  Alexander 
H.  Stephens,  Charles  James  Faulkner,  Walker 
Brooke,  Alexander  White,  James  Abercrombie, 
Robert  Toombs,  Meredith  P.  Gentry,  Christopher 
H.  Williams,  and  James  Johnson,  all  distinguished 
Whig  members  of  Congress  from  the  Southern 
States,  in  which  they  refused  to  support  General 
Scott  for  the  Presidency  because  he  was  "the 
favorite  candidate  of  the  Free  Soil  wing  of  the 
Whig  party."  This  party  had  lived  long  enough 
to  elect  two  Presidents,  Harrison  and  Taylor, 
chiefly  upon  their  military  availability,  and  then 
it  was  broken  into  fragments  again,  and  passed 
out  of  existence.  While  it  lasted,  protection  to 
American  industry  was  its  controlling  principle. 

Most  of  the  fragments  of  the  Whig  party  were 
afterwards  absorbed  by  the  Republican  party, 
but  at  the  time  of  its  dissolution  many  of  its  mem 
bers,  including  James  B.  Clay,  the  son  of  its  great 
leader,  took  refuge  in  the  ranks  of  the  Democratic 
party,  which  from  that  time  became  the  only 
national  party  of  the  country.  There  were  al- 


A  PRIVATE  CITIZEN  AGAIN  197 

ready  many  indications  on  the  political  horizon 
of  the  result  which  followed  these  events  four  years 
later,  when  John  C.  Fremont,  the  first  Presidential 
nominee  of  its  successor,  the  Republican  party, 
received  less  than  twelve  hundred  votes  at  the 
polls  south  of  Mason  and  Dixon's  Line,  and  these 
were  all  cast  in  four  of  the  border  Southern  States. 

Mr.  Jones'  reputation  had  already  become 
national.  His  advice  was  sought  and  his  influ 
ence  recognized  in  framing  the  policy  and  making 
the  appointments  of  the  incoming  Democratic 
administration,  and  his  political  power  was  al 
ready  recognized  beyond  the  borders  of  his  native 
State.  This  naturally  strengthened  his  position 
at  home  among  his  own  people,  to  whom  he  was 
always  sincerely  and  devotedly  attached,  and 
whose  fidelity  to  him  in  the  bitterness  and  excite 
ment  of  the  heated  political  contentions  through 
which  he  passed  always  awakened  in  him  the 
highest  sense  of  appreciation  and  gratitude. 

This,  his  first  experience  of  public  life,  however, 
though  it  had  taken  a  strong  hold  upon  his  tastes 
and  inclinations,  was  not  satisfactory  to  Mr.  Jones. 
He  was  devoted  to  his  profession,  and  his  public 
duties  at  Washington  engrossed  his  attention  to 
such  an  extent  that  his  profession  was  neglected 
almost  entirely.  He  had  not  yet  reached  the 
point  referred  to  in  Mr.  Buchanan's  letter  to  him, 
when  he  could  afford  to  give  up  his  profession  for 
public  life.  He  was  satisfied  that  what  Mr.  Bu 
chanan  had  said  of  his  experience  with  public  men 


198  The  LIFE  of  J.  CLANCY  JONES 

who  had  entered  public  life  from  the  bar  before 
they  could  afford  it  was  sound,  and  he  was  con 
vinced  that  he  too  would  regret  it  if  he  followed 
their  example.  When  it  came  to  a  question  of 
giving  up  his  profession  or  public  life,  he  con 
cluded  to  give  up  the  latter,  for  the  present  at 
least,  and  go  back  to  the  practice  of  the  law.  The 
salary  of  a  member  of  Congress  was  only  eight 
dollars  a  day  during  the  time  actually  consumed 
by  the  session,  and  his  expenses  were  greatly  in 
creased.  So  Mr.  Jones  determined  to  decline  a 
reelection  to  Congress.  In  writing  to  a  friend,  he 
expressed  himself  upon  this  subject  as  follows: 
"  I  retire  from  public  life  soon,  for  a  few  years  at 
least.  I  shall  stick  entirely  to  my  profession,  and 
will  be  a  candidate  for  no  office  unless  it  be  in  the 
strict  line  of  my  profession.  If  I  live,  I  can  make 
enough  in  the  next  three  years  to  make  me  inde 
pendent  for  life,  and  then,  if  it  suits  me,  I  will  re 
turn  to  politics." 

Rumors  of  the  conclusion  Mr.  Jones  had  reached 
were  circulated  in  his  district,  and  led  to  the  fol 
lowing  correspondence,  which  was  published  at 
the  time  in  the  "  Reading  Gazette  and  Democrat," 
with  the  following  introduction : 

THE  CONGRESSIONAL  NOMINATION. 

By  the  correspondence  which  follows,  it  will  be  seen 
that  the  Honorable  J.  Glancy  Jones  declines  being  a 
candidate  for  re  nomination  to  Congress.  He  has  come 
to  this  determination  with  a  view  to  devote  his  whole 


CORRESPONDENCE  199 

time  and  attention  to  professional  pursuits,  in  which, 
we  are  informed,  highly  advantageous  opportunities 
have  presented  themselves  to  him.  The  letter  of  Mr. 
Jones  will  commend  itself  to  his  constituents  for  the 
soundness  of  its  sentiments  and  the  assurance  it  gives 
of  his  undiminished  attachment  to  the  principles  of 
the  Democratic  party.  The  announcement  of  his  con 
templated  withdrawal  from  political  life  will  cause 
regret  among  his  friends  and  associates,  notwithstand 
ing  the  good  and  sufficient  reasons  assigned.  We  feel 
confident,  however,  that  his  active  services  in  the 
"rank  and  file"  of  the  party  will  not  be  wanting. 


GAZETTE  AND  DEMOCRAT  OFFICE, 

READING,  June  8,  1852. 
DEAR  SIR: 

The  period  is  approaching  when  the  Democrats  of 
Berks  County  will  again  be  called  upon  to  nominate 
a  candidate  for  Representative  in  Congress.  As  it  has 
been  the  invariable  usage  of  the  party  in  our  District 
to  accord  to  its  Representatives  the  nomination  for 
at  least  two  successive  terms,  I  have  been  requested 
by  a  number  of  your  friends  to  address  you  and  in 
quire  whether  it  is  your  desire  to  be  a  candidate 
before  the  next  County  Convention  for  renomination 
to  the  office  which  you  now  so  ably  and  faithfully  fill. 
I  am,  very  respectfully, 

Your  obedient  servant, 

J.  LAWRENCE  GETZ. 

HON.  J.  GLANCY  JONES,  M.  C. 

Washington  City,  D.  C. 


200  The  LIFE  of  J.  CLANCY  JONES 

HOUSE  OF  REPRESENTATIVES, 

loth  June,  1852. 
DEAR  SIR: 

I  am  in  receipt  of  yours  of  the  8th  inst.,  in  which 
you  state  that  "the  period  is  approaching  when  the 
Democrats  of  Berks  County  will  again  be  called  upon 
to  nominate  a  candidate  for  Representative  in  Con 
gress;"  and  further  stating  "that  it  being  the  invari 
able  usage  of  the  party  in  our  District  to  accord  to  its 
Representatives  the  nomination  for  at  least  two  suc 
cessive  terms,"  you  are  requested  by  a  number  of  my 
friends  to  ascertain  whether  it  is  my  desire  to  be  again 
a  candidate  for  renomination  and  reelection.  In  reply, 
I  avail  myself  of  the  earliest  moment  to  say  to  you 
and  through  you  to  my  friends,  and  the  Democrats  of 
Berks  County  generally,  that  I  have  no  desire  to  be 
returned  to  Congress;  and  that  as  I  have  made  up 
my  mind  to  this  some  time  since,  I  would  have  com 
municated  it  to  my  constituents  at  an  earlier  day,  but 
deemed  it  expedient  to  defer  it  until  the  time  should 
arrive  when  they  would  be  disposed  to  take  some  action 
upon  it.  I  feel  deeply  sensible  of  the  many  marks  of 
confidence  which  the  Democracy  of  Old  Berks  have 
given  me,  and  I  hope  I  have  not  been  recreant  to  the 
sacred  trust.  If  I  have  not  done  more  or  come  up  to 
the  measure  of  her  wishes,  it  has  been  because  of  my 
inability  to  effect  it,  and  not  from  any  want  of  effort 
on  my  part.  Born  and  reared  in  the  school  of  her 
Democracy — the  home  of  my  ancestors  for  four  gen 
erations — I  feel  that  all  that  I  have  or  hope  for  I  owe 
to  her.  With  this  deep  sense  of  my  obligations,  I 
shall  ever  hold  it  to  be  my  duty  to  serve  the  Democ 
racy  of  Berks  whenever  and  wherever  they  may  call 


CORRESPONDENCE  201 

upon  me,  regardless  of  any  personal  sacrifices.  The 
Democratic  party  is  now  organized,  with  certainty  of 
success — its  principles  have  triumphed  in  every  issue, 
until  they  are  settled.  Democratic  Governors  now 
rule,  by  the  choice  of  a  free  people,  in  twenty-five  out 
of  thirty-one  States  of  this  glorious  Union.  In  both 
Houses  of  Congress  the  Democratic  party  is  largely  in 
the  ascendant;  and  there  remains  but  one  more  act 
for  the  united  Democracy  of  this  great  nation  to 
achieve,  namely,  the  election  of  Pierce  and  King,  to 
make  all  safe.  The  country  thus  once  united,  secure, 
happy,  prosperous,  and  free,  with  safe  men  in  power, 
upon  a  platform  of  principles  clear  and  unequivocal, 
settled  by  the  voice  of  the  masses  after  a  hard  struggle, 
our  citizens  may  look  forward  with  full  confidence  for 
the  development  of  the  resources  of  this  great  country. 
To  accomplish  this  last  object,  the  election  of  Pierce 
and  King,  I  shall  endeavor  to  do  my  part,  with  the 
fullest  confidence  in  their  success,  and  with  the  desire 
and  wish  that  as  they  enter  upon  the  duties  of  the 
highest  offices  in  the  world,  on  the  4th  of  March  next, 
I  may  retire  to  private  life,  in  order  to  give  my  whole 
time  to  my  professional  and  private  affairs,  which 
have  been  suffering  for  some  time  for  want  of  it.  I 
have  come  to  this  conclusion  with  the  less  reluctance 
because  Berks,  I  am  proud  to  say,  has  many  sons 
more  able  to  serve  her  in  the  councils  of  the  nation 
than  I  am. 

Yours  truly, 

J.  GLANCY  JONES. 

J.  LAWRENCE  GETZ,  ESQ. 


202  The  LIFE  of  }.  CLANCY  JONES 

Mr.  Jones'  successor  was  only  present  on  the 
opening  day  of  the  first  session  of  the  Thirty- third 
Congress,  when  he  was  taken  ill,  and  died  in  Wash 
ington,  January  9,  1854.  At  the  County  Conven 
tion  held  January  28,  1854,  to  fill  the  vacancy, 
Mr.  Jones  was  offered  the  nomination  with  great 
unanimity,  without  any  solicitation  upon  his  part. 
In  commenting  upon  the  action  of  the  Conven 
tion,  a  local  newspaper  said:  "The  nomination 
ought  to  be  in  the  highest  degree  gratifying  to  Mr. 
Jones,  because  it  is  literally  the  work  of  the  people. 
There  has  been  no  electioneering,  no  caucusing, 
no  manoeuvring  of  cliques,  and  no  pledges  offered 
or  exacted  to  secure  this  nomination,  but  it  is  made 
in  answer  to  the  spontaneous  expression  of  public 
opinion,  and  the  voice  of  the  people,  when  per 
mitted  to  find  honest  utterance,  is  rarely  wrong." 

Mr.  Jones  did  not  want  this  nomination.  Only 
a  short  time  before,  he  wrote  to  a  friend:  "I  am 
now  solicited  by  my  party  almost  with  unanimity 
to  go  back  to  Congress.  This  I  do  not  incline  to." 
But  coming  as  it  did,  without  any  solicitation 
upon  his  part  and  in  opposition  to  his  known 
wishes,  he  regarded  it  as  a  command  which  he  felt 
bound  to  obey.  In  his  letter  of  June  10,  1852, 
declining  a  reelection  to  Congress,  he  had  said:  "  I 
shall  ever  hold  it  to  be  my  duty  to  serve  the  De 
mocracy  of  Berks  whenever  and  wherever  they 
may  call  upon  me,  regardless  of  personal  sacrifices." 
He  felt  this  to  be  a  call  to  which  it  was  his  duty  to 
respond.  In  writing  to  a  friend,  from  the  House 


RETURN  to  CONGRESS  203 

of  Representatives,  after  he  had  taken  his  seat,  he 
began  his  letter  by  saying:  "  Here  I  am,  notwith 
standing  all  my  plans  and  arrangements,  destined 
to  be  a  member  of  Congress." 

Mr.  Jones  took  his  seat  in  the  Thirty-third  Con 
gress  on  Monday,  February  13,  1854.  His  con 
tinuous  service  in  Congress  was  only  broken  by  his 
absence  from  its  sessions  for  two  months,  occa 
sioned  by  his  having  declined  a  reelection.  He 
occupied  with  his  family  a  furnished  house,  the 
property  of  Duff  Green  of  South  Carolina,  opposite 
the  southeast  corner  of  the  East  Capitol  grounds, 
where  the  Congressional  Library  now  stands. 

The  slavery  question  was  reopened  in  Congress 
at  this  session  by  the  introduction  of  a  bill  to  or 
ganize  the  Territories  of  Kansas  and  Nebraska. 
It  was  supposed,  as  we  have  seen,  that  the  agita 
tion  of  this  question  had  been  set  at  rest,  for  the 
time  being  at  least,  by  the  adoption  of  what  were 
known  as  the  "Compromise  Measures  of  1850." 
But  it  seems  that  the  issue  raised  by  the  Aboli 
tionists  of  the  North  was  not  to  be  so  easily  dis 
posed  of.  Little  more  than  three  years  had  elapsed 
since  the  country  was  congratulating  itself  upon 
the  settlement  of  this  question,  when  it  was  re 
opened  with  greater  violence  than  ever. 

The  opposition  to  slavery  in  America  began 
with  the  existence  of  that  institution  there.  There 
never  was  a  time  in  the  history  of  the  country  when 
there  could  not  be  found  those  who  were  shocked 
at  the  thought  of  property  in  human  souls,  and  who 


204  The  LIFE  of  J.  CLANCY  JONES 

made  it  a  matter  of  principle  to  denounce  it.  Be 
fore  the  Revolution  the  Quakers  in  Pennsylvania 
turned  "out  of  meeting"  all  slaveholders  who 
would  not  liberate  their  slaves  and  acknowledge 
their  error.  In  New  England  there  had  always 
existed  the  most  violent  feeling  against  slavery, 
both  before  the  adoption  of  the  Constitution  of 
the  United  States  and  afterwards.  The  Aboli 
tionists  had  secured  the  exclusion  of  slavery  from 
the  Northwestern  Territory  by  the  adoption  of  the 
Ordinance  of  1787.  When  Missouri  asked  for 
admission  into  the  Union  as  a  slave  State  in  1820, 
these  same  Abolitionists  violently  opposed  its 
admission  unless  slavery  was  abolished  within  its 
borders.  Slavery  then  existed  in  the  whole  terri 
tory  which  had  been  ceded  to  the  United  States  by 
France,  known  as  the  "Louisiana  Purchase,"  of 
which  Missouri,  Kansas,  and  Nebraska  formed  part. 
After  a  bitter  controversy  a  compromise  was 
reached,  known  as  the  "Missouri  Compromise," 
by  which  Missouri  was  admitted  into  the  Union 
as  a  slave  State,  with  the  proviso  that  slavery 
should  never  thereafter  be  permitted  in  any  part 
of  the  "  Louisiana  Purchase"  north  of  the  parallel 
of  36°  30'  north  latitude.  The  proposed  Terri 
tories  of  Kansas  and  Nebraska  were  north  of  that 
line. 

Violent  as  the  opposition  to  slavery  had  been, 
it  was  not  until  1832  that  it  assumed  a  formidable 
organized  form.  Prior  to  that  time  the  agitation 
had  been  carried  on  only  by  earnest  individual 


SLAVERY  AGITATION  205 

effort.  There  had  been  small,  unimportant  socie 
ties  for  the  abolition  of  slavery  prior  to  1800,  in 
Pennsylvania,  New  York,  Rhode  Island,  Maryland, 
Connecticut,  Virginia,  and  New  Jersey.  Benja 
min  Franklin  had  been  at  the  head  of  the  Pennsyl 
vania  society,  and  John  Jay  at  the  head  of  the  one 
in  New  York.  But  none  of  these  societies  were 
aggressive,  and  soon,  through  their  inertness  and 
the  lack  of  sympathy,  ceased  to  exist.  New  and 
more  serious  opposition  to  the  existence  of  slavery 
appeared,  however,  with  the  organization  of  the 
New  England  Anti-Slavery  Society  in  Boston, 
January  30,  1832.  In  October,  1833,  a  similar 
society  was  organized  in  New  York,  and  other 
societies  of  like  character  were  afterwards  organ 
ized  throughout  the  country.  In  December,  1833, 
the  first  national  society  was  organized  in  New 
York,  under  the  name  of  "  The  American  Anti- 
Slavery  Society."  A  year  or  two  later  petitions 
began  to  pour  into  Congress  praying  for  the  aboli 
tion  of  slavery  in  the  District  of  Columbia,  and  in 
all  arsenals,  forts,  and  other  places  in  the  slave 
States  where  the  United  States  exercised  juris 
diction.  Though  unsuccessful  in  these  efforts, 
the  Abolitionists  were  not  discouraged,  but  be 
came  more  and  more  aggressive  as  time  went  on. 

As  these  acts  of  hostility  to  slavery  increased, 
the  feeling  of  resentment  on  the  part  of  the  citi 
zens  of  the  Southern  States  naturally  became  more 
bitter  and  intense.  They  hotly  denounced  the 
Abolitionists  of  the  North  for  their  meddlesome 


206  The  LIFE  of  J.  CLANCY  JONES 

interference  with  the  domestic  institutions  of  sov 
ereign  States  of  which  they  were  not  citizens,  in 
which  slavery  was  recognized  and  protected  by  the 
Constitution  and  the  laws  of  the  country,  and  for 
which  they  were  not  in  the  least  degree  responsible. 

The  long  agitation  of  this  question  by  the  Aboli 
tionists,  bitter  and  disturbing  as  it  was,  had  accom 
plished  little  or  nothing  thus  far  but  unrest  and 
bad  feeling.  Politically  the  movement  was  very 
weak.  In  1840,  when  the  Abolitionists  placed 
James  G.  Birney  of  Ohio  in  the  field  as  their  first 
candidate  for  President,  he  received  only  7,059 
votes,  out  of  a  total  vote  of  nearly  two  millions 
and  a  half.  So  rapidly,  however,  did  the  move 
ment  increase,  that  the  same  candidate  four  years 
later  received  62,300  votes.  This  large  increase 
was  due  to  the  fact  that  Mr.  Clay,  the  Whig  candi 
date  for  President,  did  not  base  his  objection  to  the 
admission  of  Texas  into  the  Union  upon  the  ground 
that  it  was  a  slave  State. 

The  fact  that  slavery  was  recognized  and  pro 
tected  by  the  highest  law  of  the  land,  and  was  a 
lawfully  established  social  institution  which  they, 
as  law-abiding  citizens,  were  at  least  bound  to 
tolerate,  made  no  impression  whatever  upon  the 
minds  or  the  actions  of  the  Abolitionists.  That 
view  of  the  case  never  seems  to  have  restrained 
them.  They  were  influenced  by  nothing  but  the 
conviction  that  slavery  was  wrong,  and  never 
stopped  to  inquire  what  right  they  had  to  meddle 
with  it,  or  what  the  cost  or  consequence  of  their 


SLAVERY  AGITATION  207 

interference  might  be.  They  assailed  it  every 
where,  nor  did  they  have  any  scruples  about  the 
means  they  made  use  of  for  its  suppression.  They 
circulated  incendiary  printed  matter  through  the 
mails  in  the  South,  calculated  to  incite  the  slaves 
to  insurrection;  they  opposed  the  return  of  fugi 
tive  slaves;  they  encouraged  the  slaves  to  run 
away  from  their  masters,  and  they  harbored,  con 
cealed,  and  protected  those  who  were  able  to 
escape.  The  revolutionary  character  of  the  anti- 
slavery  movement  was  further  practically  dis 
closed  in  the  violence  with  which  they  set  up  an 
insurrectionary  government  in  Kansas  in  defiance 
of  the  lawfully  constituted  authority,  and  in  the 
encouragement  they  gave  to  John  Brown's  raid 
into  Virginia. 

The  modern  Abolitionist  was  not  called  upon 
to  deal  with  slavery  as  a  domestic  institution  af 
fecting  his  own  social  life  or  environment.  He 
was  a  self-appointed  crusader,  and  his  mission  was 
purely  an  impersonal  one.  He  meddled  with  the 
affairs  of  other  people  because  he  considered  him 
self  under  a  moral  obligation  to  do  so.  So  strong 
were  his  convictions  and  the  enthusiasm  with 
which  they  inspired  him,  that  he  felt  himself 
justified  in  taking  a  man's  property  from  him 
without  his  consent,  though  that  property  was 
as  fully  recognized  and  protected  by  law  as  any 
other  form  of  property,  because  he  believed  it  was 
wrong  for  a  man  to  own  his  slave.  He  set  up  the 
inalienable  right  of  private  judgment  above  the 


208  The  LIFE  of  J.  CLANCY  JONES 

law,  and  that  in  matters  which  affected  others, 
and  not  himself;  and  he  acted  upon  that  judgment 
in  defiance  of  law. 

Though  the  Abolitionists  were  at  first  but  a  small 
band  of  zealous  fanatics,  they  persisted  in  their 
agitation  until  they  gradually  succeeded  in  propa 
gating  their  moral  ideas  among  the  masses  of  the 
Northern  people,  and  ultimately  absorbed  within 
their  ranks  all  the  elements  of  opposition  to  the 
Democratic  party  in  the  North.  They  did  more: 
they  finally  succeeded  in  getting  rid  of  slavery  in 
the  United  States,  though  at  a  frightful  cost  of 
blood  and  treasure. 

The  reopening  of  the  slavery  question  in  1850, 
which  resulted  in  the  Compromise  Measures  of  that 
year,  was  caused  by  the  acquisition  of  the  vast 
territory  west  of  the  "Louisiana  Purchase"  which 
had  been  ceded  to  the  United  States  by  Mexico, 
as  the  result  of  the  war  with  that  country,  in  which 
territory  the  status  of  slavery  was  not  defined. 
The  agitation  was  begun  by  the  introduction  of 
what  was  known  as  the  "  Wilmot  Proviso,"  which 
provided  that  slavery  should  be  excluded  from 
the  whole  of  this  newly  acquired  territory.  This 
proviso  was  finally  defeated  in  the  House  on  the 
4th  of  January,  1850,  by  the  decisive  vote  of  105  to 
75.  It  was  followed  by  the  introduction  into  the 
Senate  of  the  five  measures  known  as  the  "  Com 
promise  Measures,"  which  were  adopted  by  Con 
gress  in  September,  1850,  a  few  weeks  before  Mr. 
Jones  was  elected  to  Congress  for  the  first  time. 


KANSAS  and  NEBRASKA  209 

At  the  time  the  " Missouri  Compromise"  was 
adopted,  the  country  north  of  36°  30'  was  a  wild 
district  inhabited  only  by  Indian  tribes  and  wild 
beasts.  Thirty  years  later  the  white  settlements 
had  pushed  out  into  this  rich  agricultural  domain, 
and  it  was  thought  that  Kansas,  especially,  was 
adapted  to  the  profitable  use  of  slave  labor. 

The  bill  for  the  organization  of  the  Territories  of 
Kansas  and  Nebraska  had  been  reported  by  the 
committee  before  Mr.  Jones  took  his  seat  in  the 
Thirty- third  Congress.  By  its  provisions,  the 
people  of  those  Territories  were  to  be  permitted 
to  form  and  regulate  their  domestic  institutions 
in  their  own  way,  and  were  to  be  admitted  as 
States,  with  or  without  slavery,  as  their  constitu 
tions  should  provide.  It  will  be  observed,  there 
fore,  that  this  act  repealed  the  "  Missouri  Com 
promise."  It  was  Stephen  A.  Douglas,  an  able 
and  popular  Democratic  statesman  who  was  a 
Senator  from  the  State  of  Illinois,  and  who  was 
at  that  time  a  prominent  Democratic  candidate 
for  the  Presidency,  who  had  incorporated  into  the 
bill  to  organize  the  Territories  of  Kansas  and  Ne 
braska  the  provisions  repealing  the  "  Missouri 
Compromise"  and  allowing  the  people  of  these 
Territories  to  settle  the  question  of  slavery  in  their 
own  way. 

It  was  contended  by  Mr.  Jones  and  the  other 
friends  of  this  measure  that,  as  the  Territories 
were  the  property  of  the  United  States  and  under 
its  government,  the  rights  of  all  citizens  of  the 

VOL.  1—14 


210  The  LIFE  of  J.  CLANCY  JONES 

United  States  were  the  same  there,  no  matter  in 
what  State  the  citizen  might  reside;  and  that  as 
the  Territories  were  open  to  all  alike,  every  citizen 
of  the  United  States  had  an  equal  right  to  take 
with  him  into  any  Territory,  and  hold  there,  any 
thing  recognized  as  property  by  the  laws  of  the 
State  of  which  he  was  a  citizen,  whether  that 
property  consisted  of  a  slave  or  any  other  chattel. 
This  constitutional  right  was  afterwards  sustained 
by  the  Supreme  Court  of  the  United  States  in  the 
Dred  Scott  case. 

The  introduction  of  the  Kansas- Nebraska  Bill 
led  to  a  protracted  and  bitter  debate.  It  was  the 
commencement  of  the  Kansas- Nebraska  agitation, 
which  convulsed  the  whole  country  for  several 
years,  ultimately  dividing  the  Democratic  party, 
and  culminating  in  the  election  of  Lincoln  and  the 
Civil  War.  Several  Democrats  in  the  Senate  and 
House  voted  against  the  bill,  which  was  adopted 
however,  by  a  party  vote,  with  these  provisions 
incorporated  in  it.  Mr.  Jones  acted  throughout 
with  the  Democratic  party  in  support  of  this  meas 
ure,  which  passed  the  House  in  May,  1854,  amid 
great  excitement,  by  the  close  vote  of  113  to  100. 
The  bill  was  passed  late  in  the  night  session,  and 
immediately  thereafter  guns  were  fired  in  the  East 
Capitol  grounds,  to  celebrate  the  victory. 

One  of  the  most  exciting  incidents  of  the  session 
which  grew  out  of  the  debate  upon  the  Kansas- 
Nebraska  Bill  was  the  Cutting- Breckinridge  affair. 
Certain  Democratic  members  of  Congress  from 


CUTTING-BRECKINRIDGE  AFFAIR          211 

New  York,  known  as  " hard-shell"  Democrats, 
had  taken  a  position  upon  the  bill  in  its  earlier 
stages,  under  the  leadership  of  Francis  B.  Cutting 
of  that  State,  which  was  not  satisfactory  to  the 
friends  of  the  measure.  This  led  to  a  heated  de 
bate  between  Mr.  Cutting  and  John  C.  Breckin- 
ridge  of  Kentucky,  in  which  strong  language  was 
used  and  pointed  personalities  were  indulged  in. 
Mr.  Cutting  had  moved  to  refer  the  Senate  bill  to 
the  Committee  of  the  Whole,  and  Mr.  Breckin- 
ridge  accused  him  and  his  friends  who  supported 
his  motion  of  attempting  to  kill  the  bill  by  burying 
it  there.  He  charged  him  with  having  received 
the  congratulations  of  every  Abolitionist  on  the 
floor  at  the  success  of  his  motion;  he  further 
charged  "  that  the  act,  in  all  its  effects,  was  the  act 
of  one  who  would  throw  one  arm  around  another, 
as  if  in  a  friendly  embrace,  and  with  the  other  stab 
him  in  the  heart."  Mr.  Cutting  replied  in  words 
that  were  equally  bitter,  and  the  debate  culmi 
nated  in  Mr.  Cutting's  accusing  Mr.  Breckinridge 
of  skulking  behind  the  Senate  bill.  Mr.  Breckin 
ridge  was  promptly  on  his  feet,  and  asked  Mr. 
Cutting  to  withdraw  that  word.  Mr.  Cutting  as 
emphatically  refused,  whereupon  Mr.  Breckin 
ridge  exclaimed:  "If  the  gentleman  says  I  skulk, 
he  says  what  is  false,  and  he  knows  it."  There 
was  at  once  great  excitement  upon  the  floor  of  the 
House.  Both  principals  were  men  of  the  highest 
character  and  attainments,  and  among  the  most 
distinguished  members  of  the  House.  Mr.  Breck- 


212  The  LIFE  of  J.  GLANCY  JONES 

inridge  was  afterwards  Vice- President,  and  the 
nominee  of  the  Democratic  party  for  the  Presi 
dency.  Mr.  Cutting  was  one  of  the  leading  lawyers 
in  the  city  of  New  York.  Duelling,  which  had 
held  vSuch  a  conspicuous  place  in  the  political  con 
troversies  of  the  earlier  days  of  the  Republic,  had 
fallen  into  disuse,  and  the  prospect  of  its  revival 
by  this  incident  added  to  the  excitement,  and  to 
the  intense  feeling  that  already  existed  over  the 
issues  involved  in  the  Nebraska  Bill.  This  feeling 
was  more  intense,  if  anything,  than  that  over  the 
Compromise  Measures  of  1850.  The  excitement 
caused  by  this  incident  in  the  House  soon  spread 
over  Washington  and  throughout  the  country. 
Mr.  Cutting  sent  a  challenge  to  Mr.  Breckinridge, 
which  was  promptly  accepted,  and  there  were  wild 
rumors  for  forty-eight  hours  of  the  occurrence  of 
the  most  serious  results.  A  long  correspondence 
followed  between  the  respective  friends  of  the 
principals,  while  the  public  waited  in  suspense. 
There  was  a  difference  about  weapons.  Mr. 
Breckinridge,  claiming  the  right  to  choose,  selected 
rifles  at  forty  paces,  which  was  not  satisfactory  to 
Mr.  Cutting's  friends,  who  preferred  pistols  at  a 
shorter  range.  After  a  delay  of  four  days  the 
matter  was  amicably  adjusted,  to  the  satisfaction 
of  all  parties. 

Another  incident  occurred  during  this  session 
of  Congress  which  led  to  some  debate  and  an  ag 
gressive  message  on  the  part  of  the  President,  in 
which  he  called  for  decisive  action.  The  continu- 


CUBA  213 

ance  of  Spanish  rule  in  Cuba  was  a  constant  source 
of  irritation  to  the  people  of  the  United  States,  and 
kept  the  relations  of  the  country  with  Spain  in  a 
state  of  constant  tension.  The  slightest  incident 
of  an  unfriendly  character  upon  the  part  of  Spain 
was  exaggerated  by  the  people,  in  their  sensitive 
frame  of  mind,  into  a  demonstration  of  hostility 
which  the  people  of  the  United  States  were  called 
upon  to  resent,  and  were  over-anxious  to  take 
advantage  of.  The  acquisition  of  Cuba  continued 
to  be  one  of  the  most  important  questions  that  oc 
cupied  the  attention  of  the  masses  and  the  public 
men  of  the  country,  and  they  were  not  slow  in 
seizing  upon  anything  that  would  furnish  a  pretext 
or  afford  an  opportunity  for  the  accomplishment 
of  the  much-desired  result.  In  March,  1854,  the 
Spanish  authorities  at  Havana  seized  the  American 
steamship  "  Black  Warrior,"  a  passenger  vessel 
plying  between  that  port  and  the  city  of  New  York. 
The  seizure  was  made,  as  was  alleged,  for  violation 
of  the  revenue  laws;  and  the  steamer  was  after 
wards  restored  to  her  owners  upon  the  payment 
by  them,  under  protest,  of  a  fine  of  six  thousand 
dollars.  The  affair  was  afterwards  satisfactorily 
adjusted,  but  for  the  time  being  it  served  to  arouse 
the  Cuban  feeling  in  all  its  intensity,  and  showed 
how  sensitive  that  feeling  was. 


CHAPTER  XIV. 

Mr.  Jones'  speech  in  the  House  of  Representatives  upon  the 
Mexican  treaty. 

A  ^  this  session  the  House  was  asked  by  the 
President  to  pass  a  bill  to  enable  him  to 
carry  into  effect  the  Gadsden  Treaty  with 
Mexico,  which  had  been  ratified  December  30, 
1853.  The  bill  appropriated  $10,000,000.  This  im 
portant  treaty,  which  had  been  negotiated  for  the 
purpose  of  more  fully  securing  the  results  of  the 
Mexican  War,  definitely  settled  the  southern  boun 
dary  line  between  the  two  countries ;  ceded  to  the 
United  States  twenty  million  acres  of  land  in  addi 
tion  to  Upper  California  and  New  Mexico,  which 
had  been  ceded  by  the  treaty  of  peace ;  secured  the 
free  navigation  of  the  Gulf  of  California,  the  Rio 
Grande,  and  the  Colorado  River,  and  granted  to  the 
United  States  a  right  of  way  across  the  Isthmus 
of  Tehuantepec. 

The  bill  was  opposed  by  Thomas  H.  Bentonof 
Missouri  (who  had  been  a  United  States  Senator 
for  thirty  years,  and  was  then  a  member  of  the 
House  of  Representatives)  and  others.  Mr.  Ben- 
ton  said  the  message  of  the  President  "  did  nothing 
in  the  world  but  demand  the  check  of  the  House 
for  ten  millions  of  dollars,  and  that  at  brief  notice, 
and  without  days  of  grace."  He  considered  that 

214 


The  MEXICAN  TREATY  215 

the  President  in  negotiating  this  treaty  had  in 
vaded  the  privilege  of  the  House.  He  contended 
that  the  purse-strings  of  the  nation,  under  the  Con 
stitution,  were  held  by  the  House — the  same  power 
which  had  existed  in  the  House  of  Commons  since 
the  time  of  the  Saxon  invasion  of  England.  Where 
any  legislation  was  necessary  to  carry  a  treaty  into 
effect,  the  House  could  enact  such  legislation  or  not, 
as  it  saw  fit.  To  that  end  the  House  had  the  au 
thority,  and  it  was  its  duty,  to  call  for  all  the  papers 
and  go  into  the  merits  of  the  treaty  itself,  and,  if  it 
saw  fit,  to  withhold  the  legislation,  even  if  the 
effect  was  to  make  the  treaty  inoperative  and  of  no 
effect. 

Mr.  Jones,  in  an  able  speech  in  reply  to  Mr. 
Benton,  advocated  the  bill  and  defended  the 
treaty-making  power  of  the  President  and  Senate. 
He  contended  that  under  the  Constitution,  when 
two-thirds  of  the  Senators  concurred,  a  treaty 
became  the  supreme  law  of  the  land.  He  pointed 
out  the  difference  between  the  powers  of  the  House 
of  Commons  under  the  unwritten  constitution  of 
England  and  the  clearly  defined  powers  and  limi 
tations  fixed  by  the  Constitution  of  the  United 
States.  The  House  had  the  right  to  call  for  all  the 
correspondence  and  papers  relating  to  the  treaty, 
but  the  President  had  the  power  to  withhold  them 
if  he  thought  the  public  interests  required  it.  The 
House  had  the  power,  it  was  true,  to  defeat  the 
treaty  by  refusing  to  enact  the  necessary  legisla 
tion  to  carry  it  into  effect,  and  the  President  had 


216  The  LIFE  of  J.  CLANCY  JONES 

recognized  this  power  by  asking  the  House  to  pass 
this  bill.  The  House  had  not  called  for  papers. 
The  question,  therefore,  of  the  power  of  the  House 
under  the  Constitution  was  not  under  considera 
tion.  If  it  was,  he  contended  that  the  Constitu 
tion  had  given  the  House  no  power  to  take  any 
part  in  the  negotiation  of  treaties,  and  the  House 
could  not  withhold  any  legislation  that  was  neces 
sary  to  carry  the  treaty  into  effect. 

The  bill  was  passed  by  a  vote  of  103  to  62.  The 
following  is  Mr.  Jones'  speech  in  full: 

MR.  CHAIRMAN  :  The  President  of  the  United  States 
and  the  Senate,  tinder  their  constitutional  power,  have 
presented  to  this  House  a  treaty,  and  the  President 
calls  upon  this  House,  by  a  message,  under  its  con 
stitutional  authority,  to  give  that  treaty  effect  by  an 
act  of  legislation.  The  provisions  of  the  treaty,  being 
printed  and  before  us,  are  not  numerous,  and  are  so 
explicit  and  clear  that  every  member  can  easily  com 
prehend  them.  The  provisions  of  the  Constitution 
relative  to  the  treaty-making  power  are  as  follows: 

"ART.  ii. — Sec.  2. — The  President  shall  have  power, 
by  and  with  the  advice  and  consent  of  the  Senate,  to 
make  treaties,  provided  two  thirds  of  the  Senators 
present  shall  concur." 

"ART.  vi."  *  *  *  "This  Constitution,  and  the 
laws  of  the  United  States  which  shall  be  made  in  pur 
suance  thereof,  and  all  treaties  made,  or  which  shall 
be  made,  under  the  authority  of  the  United  States, 
shall  be  the  supreme  law  of  the  land ;  and  the  judges 
in  every  State  shall  be  bound  thereby,  anything  in 


The  MEXICAN  TREATY  217 

the  constitution  or  laws  of  any  State  to  the  contrary 
notwithstanding. ' ' 

Under  this  constitutional  power  the  treaty  now 
before  us  is  presented  for  our  deliberation  and  action. 
The  first  provision  of  this  treaty  is,  that  we  are  to 
receive  twenty  millions  of  acres  of  land.  This  twenty 
million  acres  of  land  is  not  of  so  much  importance  on 
account  of  its  intrinsic  value ;  but  it  secures  to  us  now 
what  we  had  supposed  we  had  gained  by  the  former 
treaty;  that  is,  a  route  for  a  southern  railroad  to  our 
Pacific  possessions. 

Another  provision  is  that  which  releases  us  from  the 
eleventh  article  of  the  old  treaty,  an  article  which 
gave  rise  to  a  long,  protracted,  and  able  debate  in  the 
Senate,  when  that  body  approved  it;  and  that  has 
been  prolific  of  nothing  but  mischief,  agitation,  and 
uncertainty  ever  since.  The  United  States,  after  hav 
ing  conquered  Mexico,  and  taken  a  very  liberal  slice 
of  her  territory,  by  way  of  indemnity,  was  magnani 
mous  enough  to  undertake  to  perform  more  than  she 
was  able  to  carry  out.  The  eleventh  article  of  that 
treaty  stipulates  that  the  United  States  of  America 
shall  restrain  the  Indians  from  all  incursions  upon  the 
Mexican  territory.  It  further  stipulates,  in  the  event 
of  the  United  States  being  unable  to  comply  with  this 
condition,  that  then  this  Government  will  punish  the 
Indians,  and  exact  satisfaction,  in  the  same  manner 
as  if  the  injury  had  been  done  to  the  United  States. 

There  have  been  two  constructions  put  upon  that 
article,  from  the  day  of  its  ratification  down  to  this 
day.  According  to  my  view  of  the  subject,  we  stipu 
late  nothing  more  than  this:  if  the  Indians  should 
make  incursions  upon  the  Mexican  soil,  that  the 


218  The  LIFE  of  J.  CLANCY  JONES 

United  States  of  America,  by  armed  force,  should 
punish  the  Indians,  and  exact  from  the  Indians  pre 
cisely  the  same  amount  or  measure  of  satisfaction 
which  we  would  exact  for  ourselves  in  the  event  of 
incursions  upon  our  own  soil.  That  is  not  the  con 
struction  put  upon  it  by  the  Mexican  Government. 
The  Mexican  Government  construes  it,  that  wherever 
damage  is  done  by  the  Indians,  we  are  to  be  held  respon 
sible  for  the  damage,  and  to  make  compensation  from 
the  National  Treasury  to  that  extent.  It  is  within 
the  knowledge  of  every  gentleman  of  this  House,  that 
we  have  already  presented  to  us,  with  vouchers,  claims 
to  the  amount  of  $16,000,000  for  damages  under  the 
eleventh  article  of  the  treaty  of  Guadalupe  Hidalgo, 
and  that  Mr.  Fillmore,  the  head  of  the  last  Admini 
stration  of  the  Government,  was  willing  to  make  a 
payment  of  $6,000,000 — at  least  I  am  reliably  informed 
so — to  settle  this  very  question,  and  obtain  a  release 
of  the  conditions  of  this  identical  eleventh  article. 

MR.  HAVEN.  If  the  gentleman  will  allow  me,  I 
desire  to  say  one  word. 

MR.  JONES.  I  do  not  like  to  be  interrupted  now. 
The  gentleman  can  follow  me. 

MR.  HAVEN.  I  do  not  wish  to  interrupt  the  gentle 
man  any  further  than  to  correct  a  misstatement. 

MR.  JONES.  I  merely  state  the  fact  from  informa 
tion  upon  the  subject,  on  which  I  think  I  can  rely, 
that  Mr.  Fillmore,  while  President  of  the  United  States, 
officially  determined  that  he  would  pay  the  sum  of  six 
millions  of  dollars  and  upwards  to  settle  this  one 
question.  If  I  am  mistaken,  then  I  am  misinformed; 
and  the  gentleman  from  New  York  [Mr.  Haven]  may 
correct  me  after  I  finish  my  remarks.  These  are  some 


The  MEXICAN  TREATY  219 

of  the  obligations  incurred  by  us,  under  the  eleventh 
article  of  the  old  treaty  with  Mexico  of  1848.  In  the 
treaty  now  presented  for  our  consideration,  we  are 
entirely  released  from  these  obligations. 

But  it  is  not  simply  a  question  of  $16,000,000;  for 
if  report  speaks  truly — and  I  only  speak  from  report — 
the  Mexican  Government,  under  President  Arista, 
claimed  $40,000,000 — claimed  it.  I  do  not  say  any 
thing  about  the  validity  of  the  claim.  According  to 
my  construction  of  the  treaty,  Mexico  has  no  claim 
at  all  on  this  Government.  Nevertheless,  there  is  one 
fact  which  cannot  be  disputed;  and  that  is,  that  there 
is  a  double  construction  put  upon  this  treaty.  If  the 
Mexican  Government  has  put  the  construction  upon 
it,  that  we  are  responsible  for  these  claims;  and  we 
put  a  different  construction  upon  it,  denying  such 
obligation,  what  is  to  be  the  consequence?  Why,  the 
dispute  must  end  at  last  in  war,  or  amicable  adjust 
ment,  in  which  we  will  have  to  pay  liberally.  There 
is  a  difference  of  opinion  between  the  two  nations  in 
the  construction  of  the  articles  of  treaty.  The  Mexican 
Government  claims  from  ours  a  large  amount  of 
money,  and  we  deny  our  obligation  to  pay  any.  The 
consequence  must  be  either  that  we  adjust  the  differ 
ence  amicably,  or  else  it  must  end  in  war.  Now,  by 
this  treaty  we  get  rid  of  the  whole  of  this  difficulty. 

Another  provision  of  the  treaty,  Mr.  Chairman,  is, 
that  we  settle  forever — at  least  so  it  is  to  be  hoped — 
the  question  of  boundary.  Every  gentleman  in  this 
House  is  familiar  with  the  history  of  this  boundary 
question,  and  its  complicated  embarrassments.  Under 
the  Mexican  treaty  of  1848,  the  commissioners  were 
hardly  appointed  until  they  differed  as  to  the  parallel 


220  The  LIFE  of  J.  CLANCY  JONES 

of  latitude  at  which  the  initial  point  of  the  southern 
line  commenced,  although  Disturnell's  map  had  been 
made  a  part  of  the  treaty,  and  although  the  line  was 
laid  down  so  plainly,  that  I  cannot  comprehend  how 
any  man  could  misunderstand  it.  Yet,  notwithstand 
ing  that  fact,  the  commissioners  differed.  The  Admin 
istration  under  Mr.  Fillmore  took  one  side,  the  two 
Houses  of  Congress  the  other,  and  restricted  their 
appropriation;  and  they  have  thus  left  it  an  open 
question  to  this  day.  The  coordinate  branches  of  our 
own  Government  differed  upon  it;  this  treaty  settles 
that  question  at  home  and  abroad.  It  also  settles 
another  point,  which,  I  presume,  will  make  it  accept 
able  (or  at  least  ought  to)  to  some  gentlemen  in  this 
House. 

There  are  a  number  of  gentlemen  here,  Mr.  Chair 
man,  who  are  always  opposed  to  war,  at  least  in  their 
professions;  and  I  have  no  doubt  of  their  sincerity. 
Some  men  are  always  for  peace.  Now,  it  strikes  me 
that  these  gentlemen  who  are  in  favor  of  peace,  and 
of  the  peace  policy  of  this  country,  will,  by  their  readi 
ness  and  zeal,  evince  the  sincerity  of  their  professions 
by  voting  for  the  appropriation  in  this  treaty ;  for  the 
mere  compensation  of  $10,000,000  which  it  appropri 
ates,  aside  from  other  evils  of  war,  would  not  keep  an 
army  in  active  operation  for  three  months.  They 
have  now  an  opportunity  of  proving  the  sincerity  of 
their  professions  by  voting  for  this  treaty,  and  thereby 
closing  all  those  open  and  debatable  questions  which 
might  otherwise  result  in  war. 

Another  of  the  provisions  of  the  Gadsden  treaty  is  to 
secure  a  right  of  way  over  the  Mexican  soil,  by  what  is 
called  the  Tehuantepec  route. 


The  MEXICAN  TREATY  221 

This  is  a  route  about  which  there  has  been  a  great 
deal  of  discussion  in  the  country.  Every  gentleman 
here  is  aware  of  the  importance  to  us  of  securing  a 
speedy  communication  with  the  Pacific  coast,  and 
more  especially  since  the  acquisition  of  California.  I 
do  not  propose  to  debate  this  point  at  length;  the 
country  is  familiar  with  it;  and  will  content  myself 
with  referring  to  an  authority  upon  that  subject,  to 
show  the  value  attached  to  it  by  the  Administration 
of  President  Polk.  Mr.  Trist  was  sent  by  the  Presi 
dent  to  negotiate  a  treaty  with  Mexico.  You  will  find, 
by  referring  to  Senate  documents  of  the  first  session 
of  the  Thirtieth  Congress,  page  52,  among  other  things, 
the  instructions  of  Mr.  Buchanan,  then  Secretary  of 
State,  to  Mr.  Trist,  upon  the  subject  of  the  Tehuante- 
pec  right  of  way.  He  was  instructed  to  offer  $15,000,- 
ooo  for  this  alone.  Speaking  of  the  Tehuantepec  route, 
he  says: 

"  i.  Instead  of  $15,000,000  stipulated  to  be  paid  by 
the  fifth  article  for  the  extension  of  our  boundary  over 
New  Mexico  and  Upper  and  Lower  California,  you  may 
increase  the  amount  to  any  sum  not  exceeding  $30,000,- 
ooo,  payable  by  installments  of  $3,000,000  per  annum; 
provided  the  right  of  passage  and  transit  across  the 
Isthmus  of  Tehuantepec,  secured  to  the  United  States 
by  the  eighth  article  of  the  projet,  shall  form  a  part  of 
the  treaty. 

"2.  Whilst  it  is  of  the  greatest  importance  to  the 
United  States  to  extend  their  boundaries  over  Lower 
California,  as  well  as  New  Mexico  and  Upper  California, 
you  are  not  to  consider  this  as  a  '  sine  qua  non '  to  the 
conclusion  of  a  treaty.  You  will,  therefore,  not  break 
off  the  negotiation  if  New  Mexico  and  Upper  Cali- 


222  The  LIFE  of  J.  CLANCY  JONES 

fornia  can  alone  be  acquired.  In  that  event,  however, 
you  will  not  stipulate  to  pay  more  than  $20,000,000 
for  these  two  provinces,  without  the  right  of  passage 
and  transit  across  the  Isthmus  of  Tehuantepec. 

"3.  You  are  authorized  to  stipulate  for  the  pay 
ment  of  any  sum  not  exceeding  $25,000,000  for  New 
Mexico  and  Upper  California,  without  Lower  Cali 
fornia,  provided  the  stipulation  securing  the  right  of 
passage  and  transit  across  the  Isthmus  of  Tehuantepec 
shall  be  retained  in  the  treaty;  or,  if  this  should  be 
stricken  out,  you  are  authorized  to  stipulate  for  the 
payment  of  the  like  sum  of  $25,000,000  for  Lower 
California,  in  addition  to  New  Mexico  and  Upper 
California. " 

Thus,  it  will  be  seen  that,  under  these  instructions, 
Mr.  Trist  is  authorized  to  give  $15,000,000  for  this 
right  of  way  alone ;  and  now  we  are  only  asked  to 
appropriate  the  sum  of  $10,000,000  to  release  us  from 
all  claims  that  Mexico  has  upon  us,  under  the  eleventh 
article  of  the  treaty  of  1848,  to  enable  us  to  maintain 
a  lasting  peace  with  a  neighboring  republican  Govern 
ment,  settle  our  southern  boundary  line,  in  dispute 
under  the  fifth  article;  give  us  a  way  for  a  railroad 
upon  our  own  soil;  secure  to  us  the  free  navigation 
of  the  Gulf  of  California,  the  Rio  Grande,  and  the 
Colorado ;  ceding  to  the  United  States  twenty  millions 
of  acres  of  land ;  and,  in  addition  to  that,  granting  us 
the  right  of  way  over  Mexican  soil,  a  transit  right  for 
our  military  stores  and  munitions  of  war,  as  well  as 
unlimited  commercial  privileges.  I  cannot  recollect 
precisely  now  how  much  this  route  would  shorten  the 
time  in  reaching  our  Pacific  possessions,  but,  if  I  am 
not  mistaken,  it  will  save  at  least  one-third,  if  not 


The  MEXICAN  TREATY  223 

one  half  of  the  time  now  consumed  by  the  way  of  the 
Isthmus,  or  the  Nicaragua  route. 

I  did  not  intend,  however,  to  occupy  the  time  of 
the  committee  in  discussing  the  merits  of  this  treaty. 
It  was  not  to  this  that  my  attention  has  been  partic 
ularly  turned,  though  I  had  made  up  my  mind  to  vote 
for  this  treaty  purely  on  its  merits.  Under  all  the  cir 
cumstances,  I  had  no  idea  that  I  should  have  occasion 
to  say  anything  upon  it;  for  its  merits  are  on  its  face, 
and  in  the  history  of  the  country;  and  I  did  not  pre 
sume  that  my  opinions  would  be  of  importance  to  any 
one.  It  was  not  until  after  hearing  the  honorable 
gentleman  from  Missouri  [Mr.  Benton]  announce  to 
this  committee  and  to  the  country  that  we  were  about 
to  establish  a  precedent  that  would  destroy  one  of  the 
fundamental  rights  and  prerogatives  of  this  body,  that 
I  made  up  my  mind  to  take  part  in  the  discussion. 

Sir,  I  yield  to  no  man  in  my  attachment  to  the 
Constitution  of  the  country,  or  to  the  rights  of  the 
political  body  of  which  I  have  the  honor  to  be  a  mem 
ber.  I  have  no  personal  partialities  for  this  treaty; 
no  local  advantages  are  secured  by  it  to  my  constitu 
ents  ;  and  there  is  nothing  under  heaven  named  in  it 
of  such  a  character  as  to  either  influence  my  vote  or 
control  my  judgment.  I  am  governed  solely  by  the 
interests  and  honor  of  our  common  country,  as  I  under 
stand  them.  If  the  honorable  gentleman  from  Missouri 
will  only,  therefore,  make  good  what  he  promised,  I 
will  go  with  him  with  my  whole  soul  against  any  act, 
the  effect  of  which  would  be  an  infringement  upon  the 
prerogatives  of  this  House.  I  have  no  feelings  to 
gratify,  no  interests  to  be  served,  no  objects  to  accom 
plish,  which  would  make  me  hesitate  for  a  single 


224  The  LIFE  of  J.  GLANCY  JONES 

moment  to  oppose,  with  all  my  power,  any  act  of 
forfeiture  of  the  privileges  of  this  body;  and  an  honest, 
earnest  support  of  those  privileges  is,  with  me,  para 
mount  to  all  other  objects,  and  vastly  paramount  to 
anything  contained  in  this  treaty. 

Having  made  up  my  mind  to  vote  for  this  treaty 
upon  its  merits,  and  the  gentleman  from  Missouri 
having  announced  that  the  treaty  has  been  negotiated 
in  violation  of  the  privileges  of  the  House,  I  could  not, 
in  justice  to  myself  and  to  my  constituents,  cast  my 
vote  without  saying  something,  at  least,  in  reply  to 
such  a  charge.  There  are  other  reasons  why  I  should 
do  so,  peculiar  to  the  source  whence  this  objection 
comes.  It  gives  me  pleasure  now  to  say  that,  in  by 
gone  times,  when  I  had  no  anticipation  of  the  pleasure 
of  meeting  the  honorable  gentleman  from  Missouri 
[Mr.  Benton]  in  this  body,  I  have  read  and  studied 
with  deep  interest  the  fundamental  principles  of  con 
stitutional  law  and  free  government,  as  expounded  and 
elucidated  by  the  gentleman  from  Missouri  with  signal 
ability,  great  research,  high  order  of  intellect,  and  of 
a  ripened  and  matured  judgment. 

I  represent  a  constituency  who,  perhaps,  in  their 
devotion  to  General  Jackson,  and  to  his  leading 
measures  in  the  trying  times  of  his  Administration, 
have  not  been  surpassed  anywhere ;  and  I  will  say  to 
the  gentleman  from  Missouri  that  his  distinguished 
services  in  relation  to  the  currency,  the  Bank  of  the 
United  States,  and  similar  questions  of  that  day,  were 
nowhere  more  highly  appreciated  in  this  country  than 
in  the  county  of  Berks,  in  the  State  of  Pennsylvania, 
which  I  have  the  honor  to  represent  at  this  time  in  this 
body.  And  although  it  becomes  necessary  for  me  and 


The  MEXICAN  TREATY  225 

my  constituency  to  differ  now  with  the  honorable 
gentleman  upon  important  subjects  (and  with  all  due 
respect,  we  think  the  gentleman  differs  from  his  former 
self),  I  say  now,  that  when  that  gentleman  puts  forth, 
as  the  result  of  his  deliberate  judgment,  that  we  are 
about  to  do  an  act  destructive  in  its  character  of  the 
privileges  of  this  House,  that,  coming  from  such  a 
respectable  source,  it  is  entitled  to  serious  considera 
tion.  The  honorable  gentleman  from  Missouri  yester 
day  rose  in  his  place,  and,  as  a  question  of  privilege, 
proposed  to  read  to  this  House  four  resolutions,  to 
which  he  called  the  attention  of  the  House  and  the 
country.  The  resolutions  are  as  follows: 

"Resolved,  That  the  House  will  not  consider  the 
question  of  appropriating  $10,000,000  to  carry  into 
effect  the  Mexican  treaty  of  December  30,  1853,  f°r 
the  acquisition  of  foreign  territory,  until  it  shall  first 
have  considered  whether  there  was  a  breach  of  the 
privileges  of  this  House  in  negotiating  and  concluding 
said  treaty;  nor  until  after  the  House  shall  have 
obtained  full  information  on  the  negotiation  and  con 
clusion  of  said  treaty. 

"Resolved,  That  the  said  treaty,  depending  for  its 
execution  on  a  law  of  Congress  to  be  passed  on  a  sub 
ject  submitted  by  the  Constitution  to  the  power  of 
Congress,  it  is  the  constitutional  right  and  duty  of  the 
House  of  Representatives  to  deliberate  on  the  expedi 
ency  or  inexpediency  of  carrying  such  treaty  into 
effect,  and  to  determine  and  act  thereon,  as,  in  their 
judgment,  may  be  most  conducive  to  the  public  good. 

"Resolved,  That  the  admission  of  new  States  into 
the  Union  being  a  question  exclusively  granted  to 
Congress  by  the  Constitution,  any  treaty  stipulation 

VOL.  1—15 


226  The  LIFE  of  J.  CLANCY  JONES 

for  the  acquisition  of  foreign  territory  with  a  right  to 
be  admitted  as  a  State,  without  authorization  from 
Congress,  is  a  breach  of  the  privileges  of  that  body,  a 
violation  of  the  Constitution,  and  illegal  and  void. 

"Resolved,  That  a  purchase  of  foreign  territory  by 
the  Federal  Government  not  having  been  provided  for 
in  the  Constitution,  a  concurrence  of  the  legislative 
and  executive  departments  of  the  Government — the 
former  by  an  act  of  Congress,  the  latter  by  a  treaty 
stipulation — is  necessary  to  the  consummation  of  the 
act,  and  has  been  so  held  in  the  purchase  of  Louisiana, 
Florida,  and  California. 

''Resolved,  That  the  House  of  Representatives  has 
a  right  to  the  information  which  would  enable  it  to 
judge  the  merits  of  the  Mexican  treaty  in  its  legisla 
tive  consideration  thereof;  and  that  the  President  be 
respectfully  requested  to  furnish  to  the  House  of 
Representatives  a  copy  of  the  instructions  under  which 
the  same  was  negotiated,  and  of  the  correspondence 
to  which  it  gave  rise,  and  of  all  other  papers  connected 
with  the  subject — the  said  copies  to  be  communicated 
confidentially,  if,  in  the  opinion  of  the  President,  the 
public  good  may  not  admit  of  their  present  publica 
tion." 

These  resolutions  were  read  and  ruled  out  of  order 
by  the  Speaker,  because  they  were  not  privileged  in 
the  House;  but  the  House,  going  into  the  Committee 
of  the  Whole  on  the  state  of  the  Union,  are  now  prop 
erly  discussing  the  provisions  of  this  treaty.  Inasmuch 
as  the  resolutions  offered  by  the  gentleman  from  Mis 
souri  have  been  printed,  and  the  gentleman  from  Mis 
souri  himself  has  made  a  speech  in  this  committee, 
covering  the  whole  ground  of  debate  as  fully  as  if  the 


The  MEXICAN  TREATY  227 

resolutions  were  now  here  pending,  I  deem  it  my  duty 
to  reply  to  the  resolutions  in  the  same  manner  as  it 
would  be  proper  to  do  if  they  had  been  read  in  this 
committee.  This  is  an  important  subject;  and  as  I 
do  not  yield,  Mr.  Chairman,  to  any  man  living  in  my 
desire  to  defend,  according  to  the  best  dictates  of  my 
judgment,  the  rights  and  privileges  of  this  House,  and 
as  this  is  eminently  a  practical  question,  I  wish  to 
bring  the  attention  of  the  House  directly  to  the  issue. 
This  House  is  asked  to  make  an  appropriation  of 
$10,000,000;  the  gentleman  from  Missouri  says,  as 
embodied  in  his  first  and  second  resolutions,  the  money 
cannot  be  appropriated  by  the  House  without  a  viola 
tion  of  its  own  highest  privileges,  unless  the  papers 
relative  to  the  negotiation  are  first  produced  and  laid 
before  the  House.  Now,  sir,  I  agree  with  the  gentle 
man  from  Missouri,  that  the  House  has  the  right  to 
call  for  the  papers  relating  to  this  treaty.  No  member, 
in  my  judgment,  who  has  read  the  debate  in  the  House 
in  reference  to  the  celebrated  Jay  treaty,  can  doubt 
that  fact,  or  at  least  controvert  it  successfully.  General 
Washington  was  called  upon  by  a  resolution  of  that 
House,  to  do  what?  To  place  in  the  possession  of  that 
body  all  the  correspondence,  documents,  instructions, 
and  papers,  which  had  been  used  in  the  negotiation 
of  the  treaty  itself.  General  Washington  refused  to 
comply  with  the  request. 

But  the  debate  that  then  arose  did  not  turn  so  much 
upon  the  question  whether  the  House  had  the  right 
to  call  for  these  papers,  subject  to  the  President's  dis 
cretion,  as  upon  other  points,  viz:  whether  the  House 
should  not  state  what  use  they  intended  to  make  of 
the  papers,  and  whether  the  House  had  not  a  right 


228  The  LIFE  of  J.  CLANCY  JONES 

to  canvass  the  whole  subject-matter  of  the  negotia 
tion,  pass  judgment  upon  it,  and  even  take  a  part  in 
the  negotiation.  The  House  refused  to  say  whether 
it  was  to  settle  a  question  of  constitutional  law,  or 
whether  there  was  a  question  of  fraud.  The  simple 
issue  which  was  presented  between  that  House  and 
General  Washington  was  this:  they  wanted  the  in 
formation  apparently  for  the  purpose  of  taking  part  in 
the  negotiation  of  the  treaty  itself.  The  treaty  had 
been  made  by  the  President  of  the  United  States,  and 
ratified  by  a  two-thirds  vote  of  the  Senate .  That  treaty 
was  sent  to  the  House  of  Representatives,  and  they 
were  called  upon  to  make  provision  for  carrying  it 
into  effect  by  their  legislative  act.  When  they  called 
upon  the  President  for  this  information,  without  speci 
fying  what  use  was  to  be  made  of  it,  General  Wash 
ington  refused  to  send  it,  upon  the  ground  that  the 
House  of  Representatives  had  no  right  to  take  any 
part  in  making  or  negotiating  a  treaty. 

That  question  is  not  now  before  this  committee. 
Whether  the  House  has  the  right  to  call  for  and  secure 
this  information,  under  any  circumstances,  is  one  ques 
tion;  whether  they  have  the  constitutional  right  to 
use  this  information  in  taking  part  in  the  negotiation 
of  a  treaty,  in  regulating  its  terms  and  conditions,  in 
altering  and  amending  its  stipulations,  prior  to  its 
ratification — and  this  applied  also  to  a  treaty  unex 
ceptionable  in  other  respects — is  a  very  different  ques 
tion.  Of  the  first  I  entertain  no  doubt  that  this  House 
has  the  power ;  I  have  no  doubt  that  in  the  latter  they 
have  it  not;  the  Constitution  has  never  given  it  to 
them.  I  believe  that  this  House  has  now  the  power  to 
call  on  the  President  of  the  United  States  for  any 


The  MEXICAN  TREATY  229 

document  or  paper  on  the  subject  of  this  treaty  in  his 
possession.  The  call  is  a  question  of  expediency,  not 
for  the  President  to  decide,  nor  the  Senate,  for  this 
House,  but  for  this  House  to  decide  for  itself.  And  as 
this  House  is  clothed  with  that  power,  I,  for  one,  do 
not  believe  that  the  House  of  Representatives  ever 
will  or  ever  ought  to  exercise  it  in  calling  on  the 
President  of  the  United  States  for  documents  and 
papers  connected  with  the  negotiation  of  the  treaty, 
unless  such  an  exigency  should  arise  as  would  make 
that  course  imperiously  necessary  in  their  judgment. 

Now,  so  far  from  my  entertaining  any  difference  of 
opinion  with  the  gentleman  from  Missouri  [Mr.  Benton] 
as  to  the  functions  and  prerogatives  of  this  body,  I 
go  further  than  he  does.  I  believe  that  the  House  of 
Representatives,  being  directly  the  popular  branch  of 
the  Government,  is  clothed  with  higher  and  mightier 
powers  than  those  he  has  enumerated.  This  House  has 
the  power  to  stop  the  wheels  of  Government  any  day. 
The  Constitution  of  the  United  States  has  emphat 
ically  declared  that  the  President  shall  hold  his  office 
for  four  years ;  that  he  shall  have  a  salary,  to  be  fixed 
by  law,  and  that  it  shall  not  be  diminished  during  his 
term  of  office ;  yet  who  for  a  moment  can  doubt  that 
this  House  may  stop  the  salary,  any  year,  of  the  Presi 
dent,  the  Judiciary,  the  supplies  of  the  Army  and 
Navy,  &c.  The  power  is  undoubted,  and  so  is  the 
responsibility.  The  responsibility  of  the  Representa 
tives  is  to  their  constituents.  This  House,  I  say,  has 
the  power  to  stop  supplies  any  year.  The  Constitu 
tion  explicitly  provides  that  no  moneys  shall  be  drawn 
from  the  Treasury,  except  by  appropriation  by  law. 

I  will  go  further :  As  a  mere  question  of  power,  who 


230  The  LIFE  of  J.  CLANCY  JONES 

denies  the  right  of  revolution?  Our  patriot  fathers 
made  the  Constitution  for  a  specific  purpose.  That 
specific  purpose,  as  embodied  in  the  Declaration  of 
Independence,  was  to  secure  the  greatest  attainable 
amount  of  human  liberty  compatible  with  the  rights 
and  securities  of  a  social  compact,  and  to  demonstrate 
to  the  world  the  power  and  capacity  of  man  for  self- 
government.  Suppose  the  Constitution  failed  to  answer 
that  purpose ;  suppose  the  machinery  of  this  Govern 
ment — no  matter  how  much  you  or  I,  Mr.  Chairman, 
may  admire  it — fails  to  reach  its  object,  do  you,  or 
does  any  one,  deny  the  right  of  the  people  to  tear  it  to 
fragments,  and  to  erect  a  new  one  which  would  execute 
that  purpose?  That  is  the  power  of  revolution;  it  is 
only  to  be  exercised  in  the  extremest  emergency,  and 
by  such  a  demonstration  of  the  popular  will  as  to 
leave  no  doubt  of  its  propriety.  It  is  a  power,  never 
theless,  which  is  not  often  denied  in  our  day.  The 
same  kind  of  power,  in  a  qualified  degree,  sir,  resides 
in  this  House.  This  House,  then,  has  power  which  it 
would  be  somewhat  revolutionary  to  exercise,  as  in 
the  cases  put;  but  as  a  question  of  power,  it  is  here. 
An  emergency  might  arise  to  justify  its  exercise.  Of 
that  the  House  is  to  judge.  If  they  do  so  judge,  all  I 
mean  to  say  is,  they  have  the  power. 

The  gentleman's  point  is,  that  there  is  danger  of 
this  House  being  shorn  of  some  of  its  power,  or  privi 
leges,  by  some  one  of  the  coordinate  branches  of  the 
Government.  I  wish  to  say  that,  upon  that  point,  I 
do  not  concur  with  the  gentleman  from  Missouri.  I 
have  no  evidence  of  it  before  my  eyes.  I  recognize  a 
higher  degree  of  power  in  this  House,  under  the  Con 
stitution,  than  he  has  claimed  in  his  speech,  or  resolu- 


The  MEXICAN  TREATY  231 

tions.  The  gentleman  from  Missouri  assumes  the 
position,  that  the  treaty  and  accompanying  message, 
now  submitted,  involve  an  encroachment  upon  the 
prerogatives  of  this  House.  Encroachment  by  whom? 
By  the  President  and  the  Senate?  It  is  his  idea,  if  I 
understood  the  gentleman,  that  there  is  danger  of  an 
encroachment  by  the  coordinate  branches  of  this  Gov 
ernment  upon  the  prerogatives  of  this  House.  In  what, 
I  ask?  The  gentleman  says  we  have  not  been  con 
sulted  upon  this  treaty.  Why,  sir,  the  very  treaty 
now  before  this  body,  which  we  are  now  debating,  and 
upon  which  we  are  now  deliberating,  is  evidence  to  the 
contrary.  The  President  has  submitted  explicitly  in 
his  message,  that  it  is  absolutely  necessary  that  we 
shall  legislate  and  appropriate  $10,000,000,  or  the 
treaty  becomes  a  dead  letter.  I  would  like  to  know  of 
the  gentleman  from  Missouri  [Mr.  Benton]  if  there  could 
be  greater  power  recognized  in  and  exercised  by  this 
House,  than  the  right  and  power  to  destroy,  or  make 
alive  and  operative  ?  What  greater  power  do  we  want? 
The  gentleman  from  Missouri  [Mr.  Benton],  in  order 
to  sustain  his  position,  referred  to  the  British  Commons. 
There  is  a  marked  distinction  between  the  British  Com 
mons  and  the  House  of  Representatives  of  the  United 
States.  In  the  first  place,  the  British  Government,  as 
constituted,  is  composed  of  a  hereditary  monarch,  who 
is  the  executive  of  the  nation ;  and  a  hereditary  House 
of  Lords,  each  of  whom  represents  himself,  and  not  the 
people.  The  Commons,  alone,  represent  the  people; 
and,  in  addition  to  that,  they  have  an  unwritten  con 
stitution.  The  gentleman  should  not  appeal  to  the 
British  Commons  as  a  precedent  for  us;  for  the  addi 
tional  reason  that  the  British  Parliament  has,  with 


232  The  LIFE  of  ].  CLANCY  JONES 

the  acquiescent  consent  of  the  nation,  asserted  that 
it  is  omnipotent.  Does  the  gentleman  claim  omnipo 
tence  for  this  body?  The  British  Parliament  claims 
the  right  to  change  the  Government  at  pleasure ;  and, 
indeed,  to  do  anything  that  they  have  a  will  to  do. 
The  House  of  Commons  is  the  only  body  in  the  British 
Government  that  pretends  to  represent  the  people, 
and  it  claims  to  be  the  fountain  of  all  power;  the 
people  having  none  in  themselves,  the  only  check  they 
have  upon  a  hereditary  Sovereign  and  a  hereditary 
House  of  Lords,  is  by  custom  and  usage,  located  in 
this  body.  Gentlemen  will  see  at  once  the  vast  dis 
tinction  between  such  a  Government  and  our  own, 
because  here  we  have  not  only  a  written  Constitution, 
which  defines  the  powers  of  the  General  Government, 
but  the  powers  also  reserved  to  the  sovereign  States 
and  the  people.  The  President  himself  every  four 
years  is  held  responsible  to,  and  elected  by,  the  people ; 
and  the  Senate  is  every  six  years  elected  by  the  sover 
eign  States,  every  two  years  one  third  going  out.  So 
that  there  is  a  direct  responsibility  to  the  people  in 
every  branch  of  this  Government;  and  each  one,  by 
an  admirably  balanced  system,  is  called  upon  at  short 
periods  to  render  an  account  to  the  people  of  the 
manner  in  which  he  has  discharged  the  functions  of 
his  high  trust.  Therefore,  the  treaty-making  power, 
in  our  form  of  Government,  by  the  Constitution,  may 
be  lodged  in  the  hands  of  the  Executive  and  the  Senate  ; 
gentlemen  will  see  the  vast  disparity,  in  point  of 
responsibility,  between  this  and  the  British  Govern 
ment  in  that  particular.  The  Commons  may  be  respon 
sible  to  the  people  as  we  are ;  but  not  so  with  the  treaty- 
making  power  of  that  Government.  And  as  the  people 


The  MEXICAN  TREATY  233 

can  only  be  felt  through  the  Commons — a  body  with 
undefined  and  unlimited  powers,  except  by  usage — it 
is  easy  to  conceive  that  the  popular  will,  having  no 
other  outlet,  would  manifest  itself  in  extraordinary 
emergencies,  in  the  exercise  of  unlimited  power,  and 
furnish  a  very  unsafe  precedent  for  a  free  Government 
with  a  written  Constitution.  I  listened  very  atten 
tively  to  the  gentleman  from  Missouri,  and  when  he 
stated  very  distinctly,  as  I  understood  him,  that  the 
privileges  of  this  House  would  be  subverted  by  the 
mode  and  manner  of  the  negotiation  of  this  treaty 
unless  asserted  and  maintained  by  the  House,  and  if 
convinced  of  that  fact,  I  was  ready  to  join  him;  yet 
the  gentleman  did  not  give  us  a  single  precedent  to 
sustain  his  position  but  one,  and  that  was  not  in  point. 
The  case  of  the  Louisiana  cession  was  precisely  like 
this  case.  The  last  treaty  with  Mexico  wras  also  similar 
to  this.  The  only  resemblance  of  a  case  which  the 
gentleman  has  cited  was  the  fact  that,  in  the  cases  of 
the  cession  of  Louisiana  and  Florida,  the  President 
commenced  the  negotiation  by  asking  money  of  the 
House  to  begin  with;  and  I  believe  in  the  case  of 
Indian  tribes,  it  is  customary  to  call  on  this  House  in 
the  first  instance,  to  authorize  the  President  of  the 
United  States  to  appoint  commissioners  to  commence 
negotiations. 

MR.  HOUSTON.  Of  course  you  do  not  admit  that 
this  is  necessary  to  confer  power  on  the  President. 

MR.  JONES.  No,  sir,  not  at  all.  Mr.  Chairman, 
these  are  the  only  cases  that  I  have  heard  the  gentle 
man  from  Missouri  allude  to,  which  bear  the  semblance 
of  precedents  by  the  former  action  of  the  Government. 
I  think  that  I  can  meet  these  authorities  in  a  few  words. 


234  The  LIFE  of  J.  CLANCY  JONES 

I  am  compelled  to  be  brief,  for  one  hour  will  not  allow 
me  time  to  discuss  the  subject  at  length.  The  gentle 
man  from  Missouri  knows  perfectly  well,  that  although 
in  our  governmental  relations  we  treat  the  Indians 
as  nations,  we  have  no  diplomatic  intercourse  with 
them  at  all.  We  have  no  representative  to  an  Indian 
tribe,  and  they  have  none  with  us;  and  from  the 
peculiar  nature  of  the  case  the  President  of  the  United 
States  cannot  take  the  first  initiatory  step  towards 
negotiation,  without  applying  to  the  House  for  men 
and  money.  There  is  no  medium  of  communication 
between  them  and  our  Government.  Nothing  can  take 
place  relative  to  a  treaty  until  the  President  gets,  not 
authority  from  this  House,  but  money.  With  other 
nations  we  have  our  diplomatic  representatives,  sta 
tioned  at  their  courts,  and  they  have  representatives 
here ;  through  them  therefore,  and  without  asking  this 
House  for  a  dollar  of  money,  and  never  in  a  single 
instance  for  authority,  the  President  may  open  nego 
tiations,  and  does  so.  He  may  do  so  to-morrow  with 
any  one  of  the  civilized  governments  on  the  face  of  the 
earth.  He  cannot  do  so  with  the  Indian  tribes,  because 
they  have  no  representatives  here.  Therefore,  one  of 
the  first  steps  the  President  has  to  take  in  opening 
negotiations  with  them  is  to  ask  the  House  of  Repre 
sentatives  to  give  him  money  to  appoint  a  commission 
to  visit  the  tribes,  and  open  negotiations  with  them. 
This  I  think  is  a  conclusive  answer  to  the  gentleman's 
argument  without  respect  to  the  Indians. 

I  do  not  believe  that  there  is  a  solitary  precedent 
to  support  the  position  of  the  gentleman  from  Missouri, 
on  record.  The  gentleman  hinted  that  Mr.  Jefferson 
was  of  his  opinion,  but  he  has  not  produced  his  author- 


The  MEXICAN  TREATY  235 

ity.  In  all  seriousness,  I  ask  of  this  committee,  and 
of  the  country,  if  there  ever  was  a  living  man  before 
who  pretended  to  say,  or  even  dreamed  of  the  fact, 
that  Mr.  Jefferson,  in  1802,  and  President  Polk,  in 
1847,  ever  thought  that  the  appropriation  of  two 
millions  of  dollars  in  one  case,  and  three  millions  in 
the  other,  for  opening  negotiations,  was  a  solemn, 
sober  grant  of  authority  from  this  House  to  the  Execu 
tive  to  receive  a  cession  of  territory.  Sir,  I  claim 
large  and  liberal  powers  for  this  House,  but  I  never 
heard  before  that  a  power  not  found  in  the  Constitu 
tion  and  expressly  forbidden  to  the  States,  that  of 
acquiring  territory,  resided  in  all  its  majestic  grandeur 
in  this  body;  that  this  lex  non  scripta,  in  the  common 
law  of  nations,  might  be  found  in  the  House  of  Repre 
sentatives,  and  that  Mr.  Jefferson  and  Mr.  Polk  sought 
it  there,  is,  in  my  opinion,  the  pure,  legitimate  product 
of  the  fertile  brain  of  the  gentleman  from  Missouri. 
He  is  fertile  in  expedients,  and  a  good  tactician ;  but, 
unlike  the  British  Commons,  he  is  not  omnipotent; 
perhaps,  not  invincible.  I  do  not  believe  any  man 
ever  thought  or  heard  of  it  before.  I  never  did;  I 
never  read  of  it.  And  yet  it  is  asserted,  and  asserted, 
moreover,  as  the  opinion  of  Mr.  Jefferson,  or  that  he 
endorsed  it. 

Sir,  I  have  read  the  works  of  Mr.  Jefferson  to  some 
considerable  extent,  and  he  has  always  been  a  model 
statesman  for  me ;  and  I  must  confess  that  yesterday 
was  the  first  time  that  I  ever  heard  an  allegation  that 
Mr.  Jefferson  entertained  such  an  opinion.  I  am  not 
able  to  contradict  it  on  my  own  knowledge,  and  I  am 
not  able  to  say  that  Mr.  Jefferson  never  did  say  so; 
but  I  have  no  knowledge  of  it;  I  have  never  inferred 


236  The  LIFE  of  J.  CLANCY  JONES 

it  from  his  character  and  his  political  doctrines;  and 
unless  the  fact  is  placed  before  my  own  eyes,  or  unless 
the  gentleman  produces  his  authority,  I  cannot  be 
lieve  that  Mr.  Jefferson  ever  did  say  so,  or  that  he  ever 
entertained  such  an  opinion.  As  the  authority  is  not 
produced  by  the  gentleman,  I  cannot  come  to  the  con 
clusion  to  change  my  opinion  of  Mr.  Jefferson  on  so 
fundamental  a  principle  of  government  as  this.  Our 
library  will  furnish  the  gentleman  with  all  that  Mr. 
Jefferson  has  written — they  are  at  the  gentleman's 
command.  There  are  Virginians  around  me  to  vouch. 
Mr.  Bayly,  a  distinguished  Representative  from  Vir 
ginia,  says  he  is  sure  it  is  not  so.  The  cases  of  Louisiana, 
and  Florida,  and  Mexico,  required  money  to  begin  with; 
money  was  asked  for — nothing  more ;  it  was  granted. 
The  precedents  are  conclusive,  that  when  a  President 
desires  to  negotiate  a  treaty,  and  wants  money  to 
begin  with,  he  will  certainly  call  on  the  House  for  the 
money;  and,  in  order  to  get  it,  he  will  inform  them 
what  use  he  intends  to  make  of  it;  beyond  this  they 
prove  nothing.  I  hazard  the  assertion  that  the  gentle 
man  cannot  produce  a  single  instance  in  the  history 
of  our  country  where  such  a  doctrine  was  recognized 
as  that  asserted  by  him  yesterday. 

The  third  resolution  submitted  by  the  gentleman 
from  Missouri  was: 

"Resolved,  That  the  admission  of  new  States  into 
the  Union  being  a  question  exclusively  granted  to 
Congress  by  the  Constitution,  any  treaty  stipulation 
for  the  acquisition  of  foreign  territory  with  a  right  to 
be  admitted  as  a  State,  without  authorization  from 
Congress,  is  a  breach  of  the  privileges  of  that  body, 
a  violation  of  the  Constitution,  and  illegal  and  void." 


The  MEXICAN  TREATY  237 

It  amounts  to  this,  that  a  cession  of  territory  to  the 
United  States  being  a  part  of  a  treaty,  it  cannot  be 
carried  into  effect  without  the  legislation  of  this  House. 
I  subscribe  to  this,  and  that  is  the  very  question  now 
pending  before  this  House ;  we  are  asked  now  to  give 
the  very  legislation  which  the  gentleman  says  is  neces 
sary.  The  whole  thing  reduces  itself  to  this  simple 
proposition,  that  cession  of  territory  is  not  provided 
for  in  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States — that  the 
admission  of  a  State  is  provided  for,  and  that,  conse 
quently,  where  a  cession  of  territory  is  contemplated, 
it  requires  the  legislative  enactment  of  this  House,  in 
concurrence  with  the  treaty-making  power  of  this 
Government.  I  concur  with  the  gentleman  fully  in 
his  proposition.  What  complaint  has  he  to  make, 
then,  that  a  denial  of  the  power  would  be  a  breach 
of  the  privileges  of  this  House  ?  So  it  might,  if  it  were 
done;  but  I  wish  to  know  what  breach  of  privilege 
has  been  committed?  If  the  President  of  the  United 
States,  or  the  Senate,  had  said  that  the  treaty  was  the 
supreme  law  of  the  land,  without  any  concurrent  legis 
lative  act  of  this  House,  the  gentleman  would  be  able 
to  raise  the  point,  and  I  would  join  him  most  cordially, 
if  I  believed  that  a  treaty  requiring  legislation  to  carry 
it  out  should  be  proclaimed  as  the  supreme  law  of  the 
land,  without  the  concurrence  of  this  House  by  that 
legislation,  by  any  coordinate  branch  of  the  Govern 
ment. 

The  President  of  the  United  States  has  submitted 
this  proposition  to  this  House.  He  has  sent  in  his 
message  upon  the  subject,  informing  the  House  that 
the  treaty  cannot  be  carried  into  operation  unless  this 
House  makes  the  appropriation;  and  the  question  for 


238  The  LIFE  of  J.  CLANCY  JONES 

us  to  decide  is,  whether  we  shall  make  that  appropria 
tion  or  not. 

The  fourth  resolution  of  the  gentleman  from  Mis 
souri  is  the  following: 

"Resolved,  That  a  purchase  of  foreign  territory  by 
the  Federal  Government  not  having  been  provided  for 
in  the  Constitution,  a  concurrence  of  the  legislative 
and  executive  departments  of  the  Government — the 
former  by  an  act  of  Congress,  the  latter  by  a  treaty 
stipulation — is  necessary  to  the  consummation  of  the 
act,  and  has  been  so  held  in  the  purchase  of  Louisiana, 
Florida,  and  California." 

I  concur  with  the  gentleman,  in  such  cases.  The 
assent  of  the  House  is  necessary.  I  have  already,  in 
part,  replied  to  this  resolution.  I  concur  fully  with 
the  gentleman,  that  the  House  has  the  right  to  call  for 
the  correspondence,  if  the  emergency  is  such  as  to 
require  it;  and  of  that  fact  the  House  is  to  be  the 
judge.  But  if  the  House,  by  a  majority  of  its  members, 
refuse,  deeming  it  inexpedient  to  make  such  a  call,  is 
it  to  be,  therefore,  inferred  that  the  President  has  done 
wrong,  committed  a  breach  of  privilege,  or  that  the 
Senate  has  transcended  its  powers?  Must  we  infer 
that  disrespect  has  been  shown  to  the  House  by  a 
coordinate  branch  of  the  Government?  If  the  call  is 
not  made  for  these  papers,  the  responsibility  must  rest 
upon  the  House  itself.  Will  the  gentleman  deny  that 
a  majority  of  the  House  is  competent  authority  as  to 
the  propriety  of  adopting  such  a  resolution?  And  if 
the  House  refuse  to  adopt  such  a  resolution,  what 
fraud  upon,  or  attempt  at  encroachment  upon,  the 
privileges  of  this  body  has  been  perpetrated  by  the 
Executive  ? 


The  MEXICAN  TREATY  239 

In  reference  to  the  treaty  of  1796,  the  House  entered 
their  judgment  that  in  that  particular  case  they  ought 
to  have  the  papers,  and  had  a  right  to  call  for  them. 
But  notwithstanding  the  refusal  of  General  Washing 
ton  to  comply  with  their  request,  they  deemed  it 
expedient  to  ratify  the  treaty,  and  they  did  ratify  it. 
Their  first  resolution  declared  the  treaty  to  be  highly 
objectionable.  The  word  "objectionable"  was,  how 
ever,  afterwards  stricken  out,  and  the  treaty  was 
finally  ratified  by  a  majority  of  two. 

That  treaty  was  exceedingly  unpopular.  The  whole 
country  was  much  excited  upon  the  subject.  It  was 
just  subsequent  to  the  breaking  out  of  the  French 
revolution.  Genet  was  then  in  this  country,  for  the 
express  purpose  of  inducing  the  Government  to  take 
part  in  the  war  between  Great  Britain  and  France, 
and  having  failed  to  accomplish  his  purpose  with  the 
Government,  appealed  to  the  people  of  this  country, 
in  defiance  of  their  own  Constitution,  to  take  sides  with 
the  French  Republic  against  the  British  Government, 
involve  our  country  in  a  European  war,  and  put  all 
again  at  hazard,  which  had  been  secured  with  so  much 
blood  and  treasure  in  the  eventful  struggle  of  the 
revolutionary  war. 

This  treaty  was  discussed  in  Congress  in  the  year 
1794.  Among  other  distinguished  men  and  celebrated 
statesmen,  the  State  of  Virginia  was  then  represented 
by  Mr.  Madison — who  took  sides  against  that  treaty. 
I  mention  this  for  the  purpose  of  showing  that  there 
was  then  an  emergency,  a  crisis  in  the  history  of  the 
Government,  which  made  great  men  tremble,  in  the 
execution  of  a  treaty  of  very  doubtful  character  against 
the  popular  will — to  avoid  even  greater  evils.  Even 


240  The  LIFE  of  J.  CLANCY  JONES 

General  Washington  himself  was  fearful  of  the  con 
sequences.  In  order  to  secure  our  own  freedom,  in 
1778  we  entered  into  a  treaty  with  France.  So  great 
was  our  anxiety,  so  deeply  impressed  were  the  repub 
licans  of  the  day  with  the  importance  of  securing  the 
French  treaty  of  1778,  that  they  rushed  into  it  regard 
less,  almost,  of  terms.  We  entered  into  an  obligation 
to  protect  France  in  her  American  possessions  against 
the  world,  for  all  future  time.  We  undertook,  in  our 
then  feeble  state,  in  order  to  get  help  ourselves,  first, 
to  guaranty  more  help  to  France  than  we  were  able  to 
make  good.  It  was  in  this  condition  of  things,  while 
trouble  was  in  the  country,  and  when  the  Revolution 
was  fresh  in  the  memories  of  the  people;  when  the 
Government  was  in  but  the  seventh  year  of  its  exist 
ence  ;  when  there  existed  a  deep  and  broad  feeling  on 
the  subject  of  our  British  relations  throughout  the 
country.  The  crisis  had  arrived  when  this  House,  as 
the  popular  branch  of  the  Government,  deemed  it 
expedient  to  assert  extraordinary  power — a  power  they 
undoubtedly  possessed.  They  could  not  see  how  they 
could  safely  act  without  the  papers  used  in  the  nego 
tiation  of  the  treaty,  and  they  called  for  them.  They 
were  refused;  the  treaty  was  sanctioned,  and  no  evil 
ensued,  because,  under  all  the  circumstances,  the 
country  concluded  to  take  it. 

There  is  a  vast  distinction  between  the  possession 
of  a  power  and  its  use.  A  power  may  exist  without 
usage.  Our  Army  and  Navy,  for  example,  exist  by 
established  laws,  and  it  would  require  the  repeal  of 
these  laws  to  abolish  them;  to  repeal  requires  the 
concurrence  of  the  Senate  and  President;  yet,  in  an 
emergency,  if  the  arms  of  the  country  should  be 


The  MEXICAN  TREATY  241 

turned  against  the  Government,  its  Constitution,  or 
even  against  the  rights  and  privileges  of  this  House, 
we  have  the  power,  in  such  an  exigency,  to  stop  the 
supplies,  and  abolish  them  by  that  process.  As  a 
member  of  this  House,  I  would  stop  every  dollar  of 
their  pay  in  such  a  fearful  contingency.  This  would 
be  a  very  extraordinary  exercise  of  power,  I  admit, 
and  I  never  anticipate  the  contingency.  My  purpose 
is  only  to  illustrate  the  extent  of  powder  possessed  by 
this  House  to  meet  almost  any  conceivable  emergency. 

If  the  question  of  constitutional  law,  now  pending 
before  this  committee,  rested  upon  judicial  precedents, 
or  judicial  expositions,  I  could  cite  numerous  author 
ities,  conclusive  of  the  powers  claimed,  in  each  branch 
of  the  Government,  for  negotiating  treaties  and  giving 
them  legislative  sanction;  but  these  authorities  are. 
not  binding  upon  this  body.  Every  man's  opinion 
here,  upon  the  Constitution,  is  just  as  good  and  po 
tential  as  that  of  Judge  Story,  or  any  other  constitu 
tional  authority,  so  far  as  his  own  action  is  concerned. 
Still,  as  the  opinions  of  able  writers,  who  have  brought 
to  the  subject  vast  research  and  distinguished  ability, 
I  would  be  glad  to  refer  to  them,  were  it  not  that  my 
time  is  too  short.  They  are  within  the  reach,  moreover, 
of  any  member  of  this  body  who  wishes  to  consult 
them. 

I  repeat,  then,  that  I  concur  with  the  honorable 
gentleman  from  Missouri  as  far  as  right,  authority, 
and  power  are  concerned,  in  every  position  he  has 
taken  upon  this  question;  and  I  think  the  only  mis 
take  he  has  made  is  that  of  putting  the  saddle  upon 
the  wrong  horse.  He  finds  fault  with  an  encroachment 
on  the  privileges  of  this  body  by  a  coordinate  branch 

VOL.  I— 10 


242  The  LIFE  of  J.  CLANCY  JONES 

of  the  Government.  He  will  discover,  by  a  little  care 
ful  attention,  I  think,  that  he  has  got  to-day,  by  his 
vote,  the  full  possession  of  every  particle  of  power  that 
any  man  can  reasonably  ask  for  this  House.  He  has 
got  the  power — in  common  with  the  other  members 
of  this  body,  if  the  majority  of.  the  House  will  go  with 
him — to  kill  that  treaty,  and  he  has  got  the  power  to 
make  it  live.  What  more  can  any  man  on  earth  want 
than  that — to  kill  or  to  make  alive  ?  And  if  the  gentle 
man  is  in  want  of  information — if  he  requires  any  light 
further  than  that  furnished  by  the  treaty  on  its  face 
and  in  the  President's  message — he  has  got  the  power 
to  call  for  it;  and  if  a  majority  of  the  House  support 
the  demand,  he  can  get  the  light  and  information  which 
he  requires.  There  is,  therefore,  no  loss  of  privilege 
on  the  part  of  this  House  involved  by  the  course  pur 
sued  by  the  Executive.  If  the  papers  are  not  here,  it 
is  because  the  House  decline  to  call  for  them,  not  deem 
ing  them  necessary  to  enable  this  body  to  discharge 
its  duties  to  the  country  on  the  subject-matter  now 
before  them. 

After  a  careful  survey  of  the  whole  subject,  I  came 
to  this  House  prepared,  if  the  gentleman  from  Missouri 
should  make  good  his  assertion  that  the  privileges  of 
this  House  had  been  disregarded  by  the  Executive,  to 
stand  with  him  on  this  question.  If  he  had  succeeded 
in  showing  that  there  was  such  a  breach  of  privilege, 
and  such  an  encroachment,  as  indicated  in  his  resolu 
tions,  I  certainly  would  have  concurred  with  him  in 
the  bold  assertion  of  our  rights,  regardless  of  conse 
quences  ;  but  the  gentleman  has  failed,  signally  failed, 
in  this  important  particular.  All  that  he  has  proved 
amounts  to  nothing  more  than  the  assertion,  in  this 


The  MEXICAN  TREATY  243 

body,  of  an  indisputable  right,  if  they  see  proper  to 
exercise  it — the  power  the  Constitution  gives;  its 
exercise  depends  upon  the  will  of  the  House.  If  he 
wants  light,  and  has  not  got  it,  it  is  because  the  major 
ity  of  the  House  has  not  thought  proper  to  call  for  it, 
not  because  a  coordinate  branch  of  the  Government 
has  refused  to  furnish  it.  And  the  only  legitimate 
inference  to  be  drawn  is,  that  if  the  gentleman  is  not 
satisfied  with  the  information  he  possesses,  a  large 
majority  of  the  House  is ;  and  it  is  his  misfortune  to 
be  obliged  to  submit,  as  we  all  must  do,  to  the  will  of 
the  majority  of  the  body  of  which  he  is  a  member. 

I  have  thus,  Mr.  Chairman,  presented  my  views  on 
both  grounds ;  and  on  all  grounds  I  shall  go  for  this 
treaty.  I  have  the  honor  to  represent  a  district  which, 
since  the  days  of  the  elder  Adams,  has  been  known 
throughout  the  country  for  its  well  defined  and  well 
settled  principles  of  constitutional  liberty;  the  people 
of  my  district  are  not  afraid  of  war;  they  have  always 
offered  more  men  than  would  be  received  in  every 
war;  but  they  are  lovers  of  peace,  because  peace 
brings  prosperity,  security,  and  happiness.  They  are 
economists ;  against  an  extravagant  expenditure  of  the 
public  money;  but,  like  all  good  citizens,  they  would 
rather  spend  ten  millions  for  an  honorable  peace,  if  it 
could  be  had,  than  half  the  .sum  in  war. 

Thus  they  value  peace ;  but  if  the  honor  of  our 
country  is  at  stake,  they  never  stop  to  count  the  cost. 
It  is  now  fifty-seven  years  since  Washington  retired 
from  the  head  of  the  Government,  and  it  is  quite  as 
long  since  my  district  defined  its  position;  the  same 
principles,  the  same  party,  yes,  even  the  same  paper, 
edited  by  the  same  family,  stand  now  where  they  stood 


244  The  LIFE  of  J.  CLANCY  JONES 

then  in  principle  and  practice.  I  am  proud  to  say,  Mr. 
Chairman,  that  in  all  the  fluctuations  of  half  a  century 
of  national  life,  it  is  not  flattery,  it  is  plain,  honest, 
sober  truth,  to  say  that  Old  Berks  has  stood  firm, 
unchangeable,  unswerved.  The  factions,  the  isms,  the 
manias  of  the  day,  have  made  their  marks  all  around 
her,  but,  true  as  she  was  true  in  1798,  they  have  made 
no  impression  on  her;  and,  Mr.  Chairman,  they  will 
make  none  now.  I  do  not  mean  to  be  invidious;  but, 
as  a  public  man,  I  am  excusable  for  saying  that  I  am 
proud  to  represent,  in  part,  a  State  which  shows  so 
brilliant  a  record  on  every  trying  occasion  in  the 
eventful  history  of  our  country.  Sacrificing  any  inter 
est  for  the  support  of  principle,  devoting  all  to  her 
country  and  her  country's  honor,  in  war  or  in  peace, 
she  has  never  been  appealed  to  in  vain ;  never  sectional 
herself,  she  has  always  thrown  her  influence  to  secure 
the  constitutional  rights  of  all  sections  of  the  common 
country.  It  is  not  because  she  is  rich  in  minerals,  or 
in  soil,  or  mighty  in  power,  that  I  feel  proud  of  her, 
but  because  in  half  a  century  she  has  reared  a  reputa 
tion  for  love  of  constitutional  law,  patriotism  of  soul, 
devotion  to  liberty,  and  to  the  right  of  the  people  under 
the  Constitution  throughout  the  country,  which  time 
itself  can  never  obliterate.  For  this  all  her  sons  have 
reason  to  be  proud.  These  virtues,  though  valued 
now,  will  be  infinitely  more  valued  in  future  history. 
The  position  she  will  occupy,  and  the  influence  she 
will  wield  in  the  future  destinies  of  our  common 
country,  should  make  every  Pennsylvanian  swear 
upon  her  altar  eternal  fidelity  to  her  "Virtue,  Liberty, 
and  Independence." 


CHAPTER  XV. 

The  bill  for  the  organization  of  the  Court  of  Claims — Mr.  Jones 
reports  the  bill  to  the  House  from  the  Committee  on  Claims 
and  secures  its  passage — The  tariff — Mr.  Jones  is  suggested  as 
Minister  to  England — Receives  a  large  vote  for  United  States 
Senator  in  the  Pennsylvania  Legislature — Mr.  Jones'  letter  to 
the  printers  of  Reading — Mr.  Jones  is  made  President  of  the 
Democratic  State  Convention — His  speech — Visits  Harrisburg 
with  President  Pierce — His  prominence  in  public  affairs. 

WHEN  Mr.  Jones  took  his  seat  at  the  first 
session  of  the  Thirty-third  Congress, 
the  committees  of  the  House  had  been 
made  up.  Later,  however,  the  Speaker  assigned 
him  to  the  important  Committee  on  Claims.  One 
of  the  measures  that  had  been  referred  to  this 
Committee  at  the  second  or  short  session  of  this 
Congress  was  a  bill  to  establish  a  Court  of  Claims. 
It  was  an  original  and  very  important  measure 
intended  to  relieve  Congress  from  the  arduous  duty 
of  investigating  all  the  facts  connected  with  the 
numerous  claims  against  the  Government  that  were 
laid  before  it,  and  to  secure  a  more  careful  hearing 
than  it  was  possible  for  Congress  to  give,  before  a 
tribunal  specially  constituted  for  that  purpose. 
Mr.  Jones  strongly  advocated  this  bill  before  the 
Committee,  and  was  largely  instrumental  in  ob 
taining  from  the  Committee  a  favorable  report. 
Although  Mr.  Jones  was  not  chairman  of  the  Com- 

245 


246  The  LIFE  of  J.  CLANCY  JONES 

mittee,  he  was  complimented  by  having  the  bill 
placed  in  his  hands  by  his  colleagues,  with  in 
structions  to  report  it  favorably  to  the  House,  and, 
if  possible,  to  secure  its  passage.  The  confidence 
the  Committee  had  shown  in  Mr.  Jones'  parlia 
mentary  skill  and  ability  when  it  entrusted  the 
fate  of  this  important  bill  to  his  care  was  not  mis 
placed,  for  he  succeeded  in  having  it  passed  by  the 
House,  and  it  is  largely  to  his  efforts  that  the  coun 
try  is  indebted  for  the  existence  of  this  valuable 
tribunal. 

The  Court  was  to  be  a  court  of  record,  to  consist 
of  three  judges,  to  hear  and  determine  all  claims 
founded  upon  any  law  of  Congress,  or  upon  any 
regulation  of  an  executive  department,  or  upon 
any  contract,  express  or  implied,  with  the  Govern 
ment  of  the  United  States,  and  all  claims  which 
might  be  referred  to  it  by  either  House  of  Congress. 
If  the  Court  should  find  that  the  petition  did  not 
set  forth  a  ground  for  relief,  the  case  was  to  be 
reported  to  Congress,  and  if  Congress  so  directed, 
the  Court  was  to  proceed  to  hear  and  determine  the 
case.  It  was  to  report  to  Congress  all  cases  upon 
which  it  had  finally  acted,  stating  the  material 
facts  and  the  opinion  of  the  Court  in  the  case.  The 
Court  was  also  directed  to  prepare  bills  in  such 
cases  as  should  receive  its  favorable  action,  for  the 
consideration  of  Congress,  and  the  testimony  was 
to  be  laid  before  Congress,  whether  the  case  re 
ceived  favorable  action  by  the  Court  or  not.  All 
cases,  whether  reported  favorably  or  adversely, 


The  COURT  of  CLAIMS  247 

were  to  be  considered  and  acted  upon  by  Congress, 
and  the  action  of  Congress  was  to  be  final. 

This  measure  was  intended  to  secure  the  pro 
tection  of  a  judicial  body  and  judicial  methods  in 
the  thorough  investigation  of  the  claims  that  are 
constantly  being  made  and  pressed  against  the 
Government,  without  surrendering  the  control  of 
Congress  over  them,  and  without  surrendering 
any  of  the  sovereign  prerogatives  of  the  Govern 
ment.  Experience  has  proved  its  wisdom,  the 
Court,  after  nearly  half  a  century  of  usefulness, 
having  abundantly  proved  the  value  and  success 
of  the  plan. 

The  tariff  came  incidentally  under  discussion 
again  at  this  session,  by  the  introduction  of  a  bill 
to  refund  to  certain  companies  duties  which  had 
been  paid  upon  railroad  iron.  Mr.  Jones  opposed 
the  bill,  and  in  defending  himself  from  the  charge 
of  being  a  protectionist,  he  said  that  he  objected 
to  the  bill  because  he  was  opposed  to  all  class  legis 
lation,  and  would  oppose  a  similar  bill  if  it  was  for 
the  benefit  of  a  Pennsylvania  corporation.  He 
said  it  was  the  protectionists  who  passed  the  act  of 
1 83  2 ,  which  exempted  railroad  iron  from  duty.  "  I 
am  no  protectionist,"  he  continued;  "I  am  for 
equality  of  taxation.  If  a  general  law  is  proposed 
putting  everything  subject  to  taxation  for  revenue 
upon  the  same  footing  of  equality,  I  shall  not  ob 
ject  to  it.  I  am  in  favor  of  a  revenue  standard. 
I  do  not  want  more  revenue  produced  than  is  ab 
solutely  necessary  for  an  economical  administra- 


248  The  LIFE  of  J.  CLANCY  JONES 

tion  of  the  Government.  I  object  to  this  bill,  not 
upon  the  principle  of  protection,  but  because  I 
think  that  railroad  iron  should  be  placed  upon  the 
same  footing  with  all  other  subjects  of  taxation." 

About  this  time  Mr.  Buchanan  had  made  up  his 
mind  to  retire  from  the  English  mission,  and  he 
wrote  to  Mr.  Jones  from  London,  under  date  of 
January  1 1,  1855,  as  follows :  "  I  have  often  thought 
of  suggesting  to  you  the  mission  to  England,  for 
which  you  are  well  qualified,  but  have  refrained 
from  doing  so  because  you  are  so  much  needed  at 
home.  If  to  the  present  salary  there  were  added 
house-rent,  this  would  not  be  an  undesirable  posi 
tion  even  in  a  pecuniary  point  of  view.  Besides, 
this  Legation  and  that  at  Paris  for  the  convenience 
of  American  citizens  ought  to  have  a  permanent 
abode  and  not  be  changed  with  every  succeeding 
Minister.  The  frequent  removals  of  it  disarrange 
the  papers,  and  do  injury  in  a  variety  of  ways.  I 
now  pay  £740  ($3581.60)  for  a  furnished  house 
and  stable.  If  I  could  have  taken  a  lease  of  such 
a  house  for  twenty  years  for  the  Legation,  I  am 
quite  satisfied  it  might  have  been  obtained  for 
£500.  Deeming  that  it  could  do  you  no  harm  in 
any  event  and  whether  elected  to  the  Senate  or 
not,  I  have  suggested  your  name,  in  proper  terms, 
to  Governor  Marcy,  but  have  truly  said :  '  I  make 
this  suggestion  without  the  knowledge  of  Mr. 
Jones,  and  without  having  the  least  idea  whether  it 
would  be  agreeable  to  him  or  not.' 

The  reference  in  this  letter  to  Mr.  Jones'  election 


LETTER  to  the  PRINTERS  249 

to  the  Senate  was  suggested  by  the  fact  that  he 
was  then  being  very  generally  considered  for  the 
seat  in  the  United  States  Senate  from  Pennsyl 
vania  which  was  about  to  become  vacant.  In 
January,  1855,  he  received  a  large  complimentary 
vote  on  sixteen  ballots  in  the  caucus  of  the  Demo 
cratic  members  of  the  Pennsylvania  Legislature, 
for  that  honorable  position. 

The  printers  of  Reading,  Pennsylvania,  cele 
brated  the  birthday  of  Benjamin  Franklin  on  Jan 
uary  17,  1855,  and  invited  Mr.  Jones  to  be  one  of 
their  guests.  His  public  duties  at  Washington 
prevented  him  from  accepting  this  invitation,  but 
in  reply  he  wrote  the  following  letter: 

HOUSE  OF  REPRESENTATIVES, 

Jan.  15,  1855. 
GENTLEMEN: 

I  have  the  honor  to  acknowledge  the  receipt  of  your 
invitation  to  join  you  in  the  celebration  of  Franklin's 
Birthday,  on  its  next  anniversary.  I  regret  that  the 
pressure  of  public  duties  in  an  advanced  stage  of  a  short 
session  of  Congress  will  debar  me  from  the  enjoyment 
of  what  I  would  esteem  a  high  privilege.  One  of  the 
surest  marks  of  the  rational  progress  of  the  age  is  the 
growing  disposition  to  celebrate  great  events  in  our 
early  history,  and  the  names  of  great  men  who,  by 
their  nature,  genius,  and  undaunted  energy,  have 
stamped  the  character  of  their  gigantic  minds  upon 
their  country.  History  is  philosophy  teaching  by 
example ;  so  the  mere  political  dogma  that  in  this 
glorious  country  all  men  are  born  politically  free  and 


250  The  LIFE  of  J.  CLANCY  JONES 

equal  would  be  but  a  mere  abstraction,  a  theory  which 
future  generations  might  doubt,  were  you  not  able  to 
point  to  its  practical  exemplification  in  a  Franklin 
and  a  host  of  others.  Born  to  poverty  and  with  few 
facilities  for  cultivating  his  mind,  he  learned,  while 
manipulating  his  types  as  a  printer's  boy,  that  in  this 
new  world  the  avenues  to  honor,  to  usefulness  and 
distinction,  were  open  to  all.  The  love  of  country 
kindled  the  flame  within  his  bosom.  Single-handed, 
and  unaided  by  fortune  or  friends,  he  cast  his  frail 
bark  on  the  tumultuous  waves  in  the  voyage  of  life. 
The  result  is  told  in  his  country's  history,  and  that 
history  prompts  you  and  kindred  spirits  everywhere 
to  celebrate  the  day  of  his  birth.  The  character  of 
Franklin  had  so  many  elements  of  greatness  in  it  that 
patriots,  statesmen,  sages,  and  philosophers  might 
each  in  turn  celebrate  the  day  for  those  distinguishing 
traits  of  character  congenial  to  their  own  tastes  and 
pursuits.  These  characteristics,  however,  were  results. 
You,  as  printers,  propose  to  celebrate  the  birth  of  him 
who,  when  a  printer's  boy,  and  through  that  medium, 
first  began  to  develop  the  workings  of  that  mighty 
mind  which  in  time  challenged  the  admiration  of  the 
world  by  its  wonderful  productions. 

Of  its  appropriateness  it  is  needless  for  me  to  speak ; 
all  recognize  it.  Had  Franklin's  lot  fallen  elsewhere, 
he  might  have  been  lost  to  the  world.  Little  does  this 
busy,  driving  world  know  its  obligations  to  you,  nor, 
indeed,  can  it,  unless  by  some  sad  catastrophe  the 
printing  art  should  be  blotted  out,  leaving  the  world 
in  moral  and  intellectual  darkness.  All  the  masses  of 
mankind  know  of  the  past,  all  their  hopes  of  the  future, 
depend  on  your  art.  The  scintillation  of  genius,  the 


LETTER  to  the  PRINTERS  251 

development  of  thought,  the  achievements  of  art  and 
science,  in  a  day  or  an  hour,  through  the  medium  of 
your  art,  now  traverse  with  lightning  speed  the  brains 
of  millions  of  thinking,  acting  men,  leaving  there  the 
germ  to  ripen — to  unfold  its  fruits. 

But  I  forbear;  a  letter  like  this,  intended  to  be  a 
simple  recognition  of  the  honor  I  feel  you  have  done 
me,  and  my  high  appreciation  of  your  art  and  the 
celebration  proposed,  will  not  admit  of  even  a  feeble 
attempt  to  do  the  subject  justice. 

Allow  me  to  present  the  following  sentiment : 
The  Art  of  Printing — the  morning  star  of  modern 
civilization  and  religion:    may  its  rays  shine  stronger 
and  brighter,  until  it  illumines  the  world  in  a  blaze  of 
glory. 

Very  respectfully,  your  obedient  servant, 

J.  GLANCY  JONES. 

At  this  celebration  the  committee  who  had  it 
in  charge  submitted  the  following  toast,  in  the 
absence  of  Mr.  Jones,  as  an  expression  of  the  senti 
ments  of  the  meeting:  "  Hon.  J.  Glancy  Jones,  our 
Representative  to  Congress,  an  able  and  eloquent 
advocate  and  an  enlightened  statesman:  his  pri 
vate  virtues  and  his  public  services  have  won  the 
regard  of  his  constituents  and  the  respect  of  all 
who  know  him." 

The  year  1855  was  what  is  known  in  politics  as 
an  "  off  year."  During  the  summer  and  fall,  how 
ever,  the  excitement  throughout  the  country  over 
the  troubles  in  Kansas  was  intense. 

The  Pennsylvania  Democratic  State  Convention 


252  The  LIFE  of  J.  CLANCY  JONES 

met  in  July,  1855,  and  selected  Mr.  Jones  to  pre 
side  over  its  deliberations.  Upon  taking  the  chair 
he  addressed  the  Convention  as  follows: 

GENTLEMEN  OF  THE  CONVENTION  :  I  sincerely  thank 
you  for  the  honor  you  have  done  me  in  selecting  me  to 
preside  over  the  deliberations  of  this  Democratic  Con 
vention  of  Pennsylvania.  I  know  of  no  higher  honor. 
The  Democratic  party,  gentlemen,  at  this  particular 
crisis,  occupies  a  peculiar  position  before  the  country. 
Surrounded  by  enemies  well  organized  in  their  common 
hostility  to  Democracy,  although  convulsed  to  the  very 
centre  with  the  elements  of  disorganization  and  de 
moralization  on  all  the  great  questions  of  national  and 
constitutional  law,  they  now  present  the  noble  spectacle, 
not  only  to  the  country  but  to  the  world,  of  an  organi 
zation  resting  upon  the  firm  basis  of  unbroken  political 
national  faith,  bound  together  by  the  ligaments  of  a 
Constitution  which  in  all  political  matters  recognizes 
no  higher  law,  and  exacts  implicit  observance  to  a 
strict  construction  of  its  decrees. 

Efforts,  it  is  true,  have  been  recently  made  by  other 
organizations  in  our  country  to  establish  a  national 
platform  which  would  enable  them  to  go  before  the 
whole  country,  and  all  the  ingenuity  and  power  of 
interested  men  have  been  brought  to  bear  to  effect 
this  object.  That  it  has  signally  failed,  every  man  in 
this  Convention  and  in  this  country  knows.  While 
discussions  on  the  question  of  platforms  occupy  the 
papers  of  the  day  for  other  organizations,  the  Demo 
cratic  party  is  spared  the  trouble ;  because  in  all  the 
essentials  of  nationalities  it  is  and  has  been  nearly 
always  unanimous.  This  is  a  proud  position  to  occupy 


The  STATE  CONVENTION  253 

before  the  country — it  is  a  proud  position  to  triumph 
upon,  and  the  proudest  of  positions  to  fall  with.  Who 
is  there  in  whose  veins  the  true  blood  of  Democracy 
runs  that  would  not  be  proud  even  to  fall  in  such  a 
cause?  Not  only  would  he  fall  upon  principles  preg 
nant  with  truth,  securing  his  own  self-respect  and  the 
respect  of  all  honorable  men,  but  he  would  have  the 
approval  of  his  conscience  in  the  justice  of  his  cause, 
and  the  certainty  of  future  success,  because  it  is  just 
to  nerve  him  for  renewed  efforts  for  his  country,  his 
whole  country,  and  nothing  but  his  country.  It  is 
not  for  me  to  pretend  to  dictate  to  you  what  should 
be  your  action,  nor  do  I  intend  to  occupy  the  time  of 
this  Convention  in  attempting  it.  We  do  not  assemble 
to  make  a  platform,  but  to  declare  one.  Our  platform 
is  already  made  and  understood.  We  are  in  power. 
Our  sentiments  have  gone  before  the  country  and 
triumphed,  and  many  years  of  practice  in  administer 
ing  the  government  have  changed  what  was  once 
theory  in  our  political  creed  into  fixed  and  sober 
historical  facts.  By  these  facts  we  are  willing  to  be 
judged;  which  of  our  enemies  can  say  the  same? 
Is  this  a  free,  happy,  prosperous  country?  If  so, 
then,  what  party,  not  by  loud  professions  of  political 
faith  but  by  actual  government  upon  fixed  principles, 
has  made  and  kept  it  so?  Let  our  enemies  be  our 
judges ;  history  shows  that  all  the  little  experimental 
success  they  ever  had  has  been  in  the  ratio  of  the 
incorporation  into  their  creed  of  our  principles — never, 
it  is  true,  voluntarily  adopted,  much  less  believed  in 
by  them,  but  used  for  the  occasion  under  the  stress  of 
a  popular  necessity.  Recently  our  party  has  met 
with  some  reverses;  the  courage  of  some  began  to 


254  The  LIFE  of  J.  GLANCY  JONES 

fail,  and  those  not  heartily  with  us  took  French  leave, 
so  as  not  to  be  behind  in  the  new  organization,  as  they 
were  in  the  old  one.  But  truth  is  mighty  and  will 
prevail.  This  freshet  has  carried  off  the  drift-wood 
of  the  party.  What  some  feared  was  going  to  be  a 
permanent  disease  has  only  proved  to  be  a  slight 
epidemic,  and  our  party  now  rises  prouder,  nobler, 
and  higher  than  ever.  [Applause.] 

It  is  some  years  since  I  had  the  honor  of  a  seat  in 
a  Democratic  Convention  of  the  State  of  Pennsylvania. 
On  this  occasion,  when  called  upon  by  my  colleagues 
to  serve,  I  availed  myself  of  the  opportunity  of  con 
tributing  my  aid  to  my  party,  if  she  needed  my  humble 
services.  I  believed  this  convention  was  not  one 
merely  for  the  purpose  of  nominating  a  Canal  Com 
missioner,  but  one  to  reiterate  principles,  and  whose 
acts  done  this  day  we  may  not  hear  the  last  of  for  the 
next  twenty  years.  We  may  differ  among  ourselves 
about  minor  matters,  but  in  essentials  we  agree.  In 
non-essentials  we  agree  to  disagree ;  in  essentials  the 
party  has  nearly  always  been  a  unit.  The  opposition 
press  with  peculiar  pleasure  publishes  that  we  are 
divided  into  " Hards"  and  ''Softs,"  Nebraska  and 
Anti -Nebraska,  Free  Soil  and  Pro-Slavery,  Temper 
ance  and  Anti-Temperance  factions.  They  forget  that 
in  the  Democratic  party  every  man  may  have  his  own 
private  opinions  on  all  subjects  not  organic,  while  on 
the  essentials  of  the  National  Democratic  Faith  we 
are  and  always  will  be  a  unit.  I  regard  this  Conven 
tion,  therefore,  in  that  light.  The  nominee  put  forth 
to  the  people  is  a  secondary  consideration.  To  me 
the  best  recommendation  is  a  character  for  integrity 
and  honesty,  and  I  have  no  doubt  but  that  you  will 


FRANKLIN  PIERCE  255 

nominate  just  such  a  man.  You  are  now  one  year  in 
advance  of  the  Presidential  election,  and  you  are 
declaring  a  platform  out  of  which  you  dare  not  take 
one  plank  in  this  nor  the  next  election.  You  are  now 
planting  the  seed,  and  this  fall  and  next  fall  you  will 
reap  the  harvest.  Whether  that  harvest  will  be  good 
or  evil  your  acts  this  day  will  show.  [Applause.]  I 
have  unlimited  faith  in  our  party — I  have  the  fullest 
confidence  in  you,  its  representatives. 

Gentlemen,  I  shall  endeavor  to  discharge  the  duties 
you  have  imposed  upon  me  with  impartiality  and  to 
the  extent  of  my  ability.  I  hope,  therefore,  that  I 
may  have  not  only  your  indulgence  but  your  cordial 
support.  [Great  applause.] 

In  September,  1855,  Mr.  Jones  and  President 
Pierce  made  a  pleasant  trip  to  Harrisburg  together, 
and  after  their  return  the  President  wrote  Mr. 
Jones  the  following  letter,  in  which  he  gives  his 
views  upon  the  political  situation,  as  they  found 
it,  in  Pennsylvania  at  that  time : 

WASHINGTON,  Oct.  2nd,  1855. 
MY  DEAR  SIR: 

Accept  my  thanks  for  your  kind  letter  of  the  29th. 
I  was  glad  to  hear  of  your  safe  arrival  at  home,  and 
assure  you  that  the  degree  in  which  you  contributed 
to  my  pleasant  trip  to  Harrisburg  and  my  very  agree 
able  visit  there  will  not  soon  be  forgotten.  Indeed,  I 
feel  that  I  am  indebted  to  you  for  one  of  the  most 
satisfactory  excursions  of  my  life,  because  but  for  your 
accidental  visit  to  this  city  I  should  probably  have 
remained  at  my  post.  It  seems  that  the  fusion  of  all 


256  The  LIFE  of  J.  CLANCY  JONES 

the  elements  opposed  to  Democracy  in  Penna.  has  been 
consummated,  as  you  apprehended  it  might  be.  I  do 
not  think  it  is  on  the  whole  to  be  regretted.  If  under 
these  circumstances  the  Democracy  can  succeed,  their 
triumph  will  be  complete  and  permanent.  If  beaten, 
our  opponents  will  gain  nothing  more  than  temporary 
results.  Since  fusion  is  the  order  of  the  day,  it  must 
exhaust  itself,  and  the  more  rapid  the  succession  of 
experiments  the  better.  It  is  quite  certain  that  such 
a  heterogeneous  mass  without  community  of  sentiment 
or  opinion  cannot  hold  together.  Still,  no  effort  should 
be  spared  on  the  part  of  our  friends.  The  next  ought 
to  be  a  week  of  such  well  directed  and  efficient  exer 
tion  in  all  parts  of  the  State  as  has  never  been  brought 
out  in  an  election  before.  In  haste, 
Your  friend, 

FRANKLIN  PIERCE. 
HON.  J.  GLANCY  JONES, 

Reading,  Penna. 

There  were  no  political  movements  in  those  days 
in  which  Mr.  Jones  was  not  an  important  factor — 
in  which  his  influence  was  not  felt.  He  was  an 
acknowledged  leader,  to  whom  other  recognized 
leaders  came  for  counsel,  assistance,  and  advice. 
In  those  days  of  his  activity  in  public  affairs, 
many  of  the  movements  in  national  and  State 
politics  had  their  initiative  in  Reading  under  his 
direction.  In  speaking  of  one  of  these  occasions, 
Charles  R.  Buckalew  wrote  to  him,  June  27,  1855: 
"Your  Reading  meeting  is  having  a  due  effect  in 
the  Commonwealth,  and  your  own  remarks— 


LEADERSHIP  257 

obviously  not  studied  or  artificial — are  creditable 
to  your  judgment  and  powers/' 

This  position  of  acknowledged  leadership  im 
posed  many  burdens  upon  the  man  who  filled  it. 
He  was  expected  to  assist  in  the  solution  of  all 
questions  of  policy  and  patronage  as  they  arose; 
to  bear  the  brunt  of  conflicting  views  and  interests, 
and  to  find  a  way  by  which  they  could  all  be  recon 
ciled;  to  enlighten  his  followers  with  his  ability 
and  wisdom,  and  to  strengthen  them  with  his 
courage  and  example.  The  honors  which  come 
to  a  public  man  are  earned  by  many  ordeals  of 
care  and  tribulation,  of  anxious  thought  and  solici 
tude,  and  the  patient  endurance  of  much  unde 
served  criticism  and  abuse. 


VOL.  1—17 


CHAPTER  XVI. 

The  Know-Nothing  party — Organization  of  the  Republican  party 
— Mr.  Jones'  reelection  to  Congress  for  his  third  term — The  first 
session  of  the  Thirty-fourth  Congress — The  different  shades  of 
political  conviction  in  the  opposition  to  the  Democratic  party — 
The  long  contest  for  the  Speakership — Mr.  Jones  is  selected  as 
leader  of  the  Democratic  party  in  the  House — He  drafts  the 
platform  adopted  by  the  caucus — His  long  debate  in  defence  of 
that  platform. 

IN  the  year  1853  a  new  political  party  sprang 
up  upon  the  ruins  of  the  Whig  party,  called 
the  "  Know-Nothing  party."  It  was  a  secret 
oath-bound  organization,  and  its  chief  principles 
were  hostility  to  foreigners  and  to  the  Roman 
Catholic  Church.  Its  principles  were  not  declared. 
It  was  a  sprout  from  the  roots  of  the  dead  Federal 
party,  and  in  it  were  reproduced  the  old  Federal 
heresies  of  the  alien  and  sedition  laws.  In  this 
party  were  gathered  together  all  the  factions  into 
which  the  Whig  party  broke  up  when  it  went  to 
pieces,  and  it  included  in  its  ranks  most  of  the 
men  who  had  been  leaders  of  that  party.  It  was 
constructed  out  of  the  elements  which  were  op 
posed  to  the  doctrines  of  the  Democratic  party, 
and  opposition  to  that  party  seemed  to  be  the 
only  cohesive  force  which  held  this  incongruous 
party  together.  From  the  beginning  the  Demo 
cratic  party  took  a  firm  and  decided  stand  against 
it  and  its  fanatical  doctrines. 

258 


The  KNOW-NOTHING  PARTY  259 

The  Know- Nothing  party  was  said  to  have 
originated  in  the  city  of  New  York.  Its  progress 
at  first  was  slow,  but  branches  were  gradually 
organized  in  the  different  States.  The  elections 
in  Philadelphia  and  Washington  and  in  most  of 
the  other  cities  of  the  North  were  carried  by  it 
in  the  spring  of  1854,  and  it  grew  rapidly  to  formi 
dable  proportions.  The  elections  in  many  of  the 
Northern  States,  including  Pennsylvania,  were 
carried  by  it  in  the  fall  of  1854,  and  it  was  claimed 
by  one  of  its  most  prominent  newspaper  organs 
in  Massachusetts  that  it  would  be  able  to  carry 
enough  Northern  States  in  1856  to  give  it  160 
electoral  votes,  and  so  enable  it  to  elect  the  Presi 
dent.  In  January,  1855,  a  bill  was  introduced  in 
the  national  House  of  Representatives  by  its 
friends,  changing  the  naturalization  laws.  In 
February  of  the  same  year  resolutions  were  intro 
duced  into  the  House,  strongly  condemning  the 
new  organization,  which  were  supported  by  Mr. 
Jones  and  a  large  majority  of  the  members,  and 
the  new  party  became  the  subject  of  discussion 
in  many  elaborate  speeches  by  the  members  of 
the  Congress.  This  party  was  destined  to  be 
short-lived.  In  1856  Mr.  Fillmore,  its  candidate 
for  President,  received  but  eight  electoral  votes, 
which  were  cast  for  him  by  the  State  of  Maryland, 
and  a  popular  vote  of  874,548.  After  that  it  dis 
appeared  from  the  politics  of  the  country. 

The  Know-Nothing  party  was  the  strongest 
political  organization  opposed  to  the  Democratic 


260  The  LIFE  of  J.  CLANCY  JONES 

party  at  the  election  for  members  of  Congress  in 
1854.  A  new  party,  called  the  Republican  party, 
was  organized  in  that  year  at  Cincinnati,  by  Know- 
Nothings  who  had  seceded  from  the  National  Con 
vention  of  their  party  held  at  Philadelphia,  because 
it  had  excluded  the  slavery  issue  from  its  platform. 
This  new  party,  which  was  called  by  its  oppo 
nents  the  "Black  Republican  party,"  declared 
itself  to  be  in  favor  of  the  restoration  of  the  "  Mis 
souri  Compromise."  Though  it  was  destined  to 
supplant  the  Know-Nothing  party  two  years  later, 
when  there  were  gathered  into  its  fold  those  who 
had  been  Whigs,  Know-Nothings,  Free-Soilers, 
and  Anti-Slavery  Democrats,  it  had  not  at  that 
time  assumed  very  formidable  proportions. 

The  issues  in  the  fall  campaign  of  1854  were 
the  principles  of  the  Kansas-Nebraska  Bill  and 
the  principles  of  the  Know- Nothing  party. 

As  the  time  for  the  Congressional  elections  of 
that  year  (1854)  was  approaching,  Mr.  Jones  was 
unanimously  renominated  by  the  Democratic 
Convention  of  Berks  County  for  his  third  term, 
and  he  was  again  elected  to  Congress  to  represent 
the  County  of  Berks  by  a  large  majority.  The  elec 
tions  throughout  the  country,  however,  resulted  in 
the  choice  of  only  seventy-four  Democrats  out  of 
the  two  hundred  and  forty  members  of  the  House. 
The  opposition  members  who  were  chosen  at  that 
election  could  hardly  have  been  more  unsettled 
and  confused  in  their  party  affiliations.  They 
were  united  in  one  thing  only,  and  that  was  their 


KANSAS  261 

hostility  to  the  Democratic  party.  Outside  of 
that  they  all  seemed  to  be  casting  about  for  some 
definite  principle  upon  which  their  elusive  con 
victions  might  take  hold.  There  were  among 
them  Republicans,  Free-Soilers,  Northern  Know- 
Nothings,  some  of  whom  were  opposed  to  the  Kan 
sas-Nebraska  Bill  and  some  of  whom  were  not,  and 
Southern  Know- Nothings,  all  of  whom  sustained 
the  principles  of  the  Kansas -Nebraska  Bill. 

As  soon  as  the  bill  to  organize  the  Territories 
of  Kansas  and  Nebraska  became  a  law  in  1854, 
steps  were  taken  by  the  advocates  and  opponents 
of  slavery  throughout  the  country  to  obtain 
political  control  of  the  Territory  of  Kansas.  It 
was  determined  by  the  Southern  States  to  make 
it  a  slave  State  if  possible,  and  the  anti-slavery 
party  of  the  North  were  equally  determined  that 
it  should  be  free.  This  led  to  the  formation  of 
organized  societies  in  different  sections  of  the 
country  to  encourage  settlements  in  Kansas.  But 
little  attention  was  paid  to  Nebraska,  as  it  was 
assumed  that  geographical  conditions  would  settle 
the  question  of  slavery  there,  slave  labor  not  being 
profitable  north  of  the  parallel  of  40°.  These 
societies  assisted  their  respective  adherents  to  go 
into  the  Territory,  where  they  were  to  settle  on 
the  spot  the  burning  question  whether  Kansas 
was  to  be  slave  or  free.  The  agitation  of  this  ques 
tion  was  by  no  means  confined  to  the  limits  of 
the  Territory,  but  extended  throughout  the  whole 
country.  Money  and  supplies  and  even  munitions 


262  The  LIFE  of  J.  CLANCY  JONES 

of  war  were  sent  there  by  the  propagandists  of 
either  side,  to  equip  their  followers  and  put  them 
in  the  best  possible  condition  to  contest  the  ground 
with  their  adversaries.  This  soon  led  to  a  most 
unsettled  condition  of  affairs  in  Kansas.  Rioting, 
bloodshed,  and  lawlessness  of  every  description 
soon  became  common,  and  the  country  was  filled 
with  the  appealing  cry  of  "  Bleeding  Kansas." 

A  territorial  government  for  Kansas  had  been 
organized  under  the  act  of  May  30,  1854.  The 
officers  appointed  by  President  Pierce  arrived  in 
the  Territory  and  entered  upon  their  duties.  A 
Legislature  was  elected,  which  was  controlled  by 
the  pro-slavery  party.  This  Legislature  proceeded 
to  enact  a  code  of  laws,  and  was  recognized  by  all 
the  territorial  officers.  The  anti-slavery  party, 
instead  of  submitting  to  this  regularly  organized 
government  of  the  Territory,  in  a  lawless  and  fac 
tional  spirit  refused  to  recognize  it  and  the  laws 
passed  by  its  authority,  alleging  that  the  members 
of  the  Legislature  had  been  elected  by  fraud  and 
violence.  They  therefore  held  another  election, 
which  was  revolutionary  in  its  character,  at  which 
a  Governor  and  another  Legislature  were  chosen; 
and  also  a  convention,  which  met  at  Topeka, 
framed  a  State  constitution  prohibiting  slavery, 
and  asked  Congress  to  admit  Kansas  as  a  State 
into  the  Union  under  that  constitution.  In  the 
meantime  the  regular  government  of  the  Terri 
tory  continued  to  exercise  its  legitimate  functions, 
and  was  in  full  operation  in  all  its  branches. 


The  THIRTY-FOURTH  CONGRESS  263 

Within  a  year  after  the  organization  of  the 
Territory  of  Kansas,  in  the  midst  of  the  trouble 
some  times  there,  the  territorial  Governor  came 
to  Washington,  and  the  President,  as  well  as  the 
friends  of  his  administration,  thought  it  best  that 
he  should  not  return.  In  casting  about  for  an 
available  successor,  the  name  of  Mr.  Jones  was 
freely  used,  but  without  his  consent,  as  he  felt 
it  to  be  his  duty  to  remain  at  his  post  in  Wash 
ington. 

In  November,  1855,  the  members  of  Congress, 
fresh  from  their  constituents,  began  to  assemble 
in  Washington  for  the  first  session  of  the  Thirty- 
fourth  Congress.  Although  the  Democratic  party 
had  lost  the  House  at  the  last  election,  it  was  the 
only  party  that  found  in  its  ranks,  when  the  mem 
bers  assembled  in  Washington,  representatives 
from  every  section  of  the  country,  North,  South, 
East,  and  West.  It  was  the  only  national  party. 

The  majority  of  the  House  was  divided  into 
four  or  five  different  sectional  factions,  each  dif 
fering  from  the  other,  and  entertaining  as  many 
different  shades  of  opinion  upon  the  principles 
of  the  Know- Nothing  party  and  the  principles 
involved  in  the  Kansas- Nebraska  Act.  Though 
there  was  no  cohesion  between  them,  they  were 
all  united  in  their  opposition  to  the  Democratic 
party,  which  had  a  much  larger  representation 
on  the  floor  of  the  House  than  any  one  of  them, 
was  in  control  of  the  national  administration,  and 
was  responsible  for  the  passage  of  the  Kansas- 


264  The  LIFE  of  J.  CLANCY  JONES 

Nebraska  Act.  The  political  belief  of  these  fac 
tions  was  so  vague,  indefinite,  and  unsettled  that 
it  could  not  be  formulated  into  any  platform  upon 
which  all  of  them  could  stand.  They  were  all 
opposed  to  the  Democratic  party,  but  they  did 
not  seem  to  be  able  to  find  anywhere  any  sound, 
fundamental  principle  upon  which  that  opposition 
could  be  concentrated.  That  the  only  fixed  and 
definite  conviction  any  of  them  had  was  opposi 
tion  to  the  Democratic  party  became  apparent 
when  they  united,  later  in  the  session,  upon 
Nathaniel  P.  Banks,  a  Free-Soiler,  for  Speaker, 
who  had  only  twenty-one  consistent  followers, 
and  who  was  not  the  candidate  of  the  Republican 
party.  There  were  able  men  among  them,  men 
of  distinguished  public  service,  quite  capable  of 
finding  such  a  fundamental  principle,  had  it 
existed.  But  there  was  none. 

The  Democratic  party  was  the  only  great  con 
servative  party  of  the  whole  country.  It  recog 
nized  and  supported  the  right  of  every  citizen 
in  every  part  of  the  country  to  the  peaceable 
enjoyment  of  his  civil  and  religious  rights,  as  they 
existed  under  and  were  protected  by  the  Consti 
tution  and  laws  of  the  country.  Their  doctrine 
was  one  of  obedience  to  law — of  respect  for  the 
vital  principles  upon  which  the  Government  had 
been  founded,  and  which  had  been  proclaimed 
in  the  Declaration  of  Independence,  the  Constitu 
tion  of  the  United  States,  and  the  laws  of  the 
country.  The  position  of  the  factions  that  were 


LEADERSHIP  265 

opposed  to  the  Democratic  party  was  one  of  hos 
tility  to  those  rights.  They  assailed  the  right  of 
the  citizen  to  the  enjoyment  of  the  inalienable 
privilege  of  worshipping  God  in  the  manner  he 
saw  fit,  the  right  of  the  slaveholder  to  his  lawful 
property,  and  the  right  of  the  foreign-born  citizen 
to  enjoy  the  citizenship  he  had  acquired  under 
the  laws  of  the  country.  Their  opposition  was 
factional,  fanatical,  and  sectional,  and,  as  such 
opposition  is  apt  to  be,  it  was  bitter  and  uncom 
promising. 

It  was  quite  certain  that  the  Democratic  party 
would  be  assailed  by  its  factional  opponents  from 
all  quarters  upon  the  floor  of  the  House,  and  it 
became  important  that  it  should  exercise  sound 
judgment  in  the  selection  of  a  leader  who  would 
boldly,  clearly,  and  judiciously  define  its  position 
and  defend  it  against  the  attacks  of  its  enemies. 
This  important  and  responsible  duty  was  assigned 
by  the  Democratic  Representatives  in  Congress 
to  Mr.  Jones. 

The  fact  of  Mr.  Jones'  selection  by  his  Demo 
cratic  colleagues  in  the  House  to  be  the  expounder 
of  their  faith  in  a  crisis  like  this  was  a  high  and  dis 
tinguished  honor,  coming  as  it  did  from  such  a  body 
of  men.  It  may  well  be  noted  here  as  showing  the 
estimate  placed  by  the  distinguished  and  able  men 
with  whom  he  was  associated  in  the  closest  daily 
intercourse  upon  his  ability  as  a  statesman,  his 
skill  as  a  debater,  and  his  clear  understanding  of 
the  constitutional  questions  involved. 


266  The  LIFE  of  J.  GLANCY  JONES 

The  caucus  of  the  Democratic  members  of 
Congress  was  held  on  the  evening  of  December 
i,  1855,  at  which  Mr.  Jones  presented  the  follow 
ing  resolution,  drawn  by  him,  defining  the  prin 
ciples  of  the  party: 

Resolved,  That  the  Democratic  members  of  the  House 
of  Representatives,  though  in  a  temporary  minority 
in  this  body,  deem  this  a  fit  occasion  to  tender  to  their 
fellow  citizens  of  the  whole  Union  their  heart-felt 
congratulations  on  the  triumph,  in  the  recent  elec 
tions  in  several  of  the  Northern,  Eastern,  and  Western, 
as  well  as  Southern  States,  of  the  principles  of  the 
Kansas-Nebraska  Bill  and  the  doctrines  of  civil  and 
religious  liberty  which  have  been  so  violently  assailed 
by  a  secret  political  order  known  as  the  Know-Nothing 
party;  and  though  in  a  minority,  we  hold  it  to  be  our 
highest  duty  to  preserve  our  organization  and  con 
tinue  our  efforts  in  the  maintenance  and  defence  of 
those  principles  and  the  constitutional  rights  of  every 
section  and  every  class  of  citizens  against  their  oppo 
nents  of  every  description,  whether  they  be  so-called 
Republicans,  Know-Nothings,  or  Fusionists;  and  to 
this  end  we  look  with  confidence  to  the  support  and 
approbation  of  all  good  and  true  men — friends  of  the 
Constitution  and  the  Union  throughout  the  country. 

This  resolution  was  unanimously  adopted  by 
the  caucus,  and  immediately  attracted  the  atten 
tion  of  the  whole  country.  It  was  also  ratified 
and  approved  by  the  press  and  the  masses  of  the 
Democratic  party  throughout  the  country. 

The  first  session  of  the  Thirty-fourth  Congress 


SPEAKERSHIP  267 

began  at  Washington,  December  3,  1855,  and  the 
following  nominations  for  Speaker  were  made  in 
the  House.:  William  A.  Richardson  of  Illinois, 
who  was  the  Democratic  candidate;  Lewis  D. 
Campbell  of  Ohio,  who  was  the  Republican  can 
didate;  Humphrey  Marshall  of  Kentucky,  who 
was  supported  by  the  Southern  Know-Nothings 
and  a  few  Northern  Know-Nothings  who  were  in 
favor  of  the  Kansas-Nebraska  Bill;  Nathaniel  P. 
Banks,  of  Massachusetts,  a  Free-Soiler;  Henry 
M.  Fuller  of  Pennsylvania,  who  was  supported 
by  another  shade  of  Know-Nothings  and  anti- 
Nebraska  men;  and  Alexander  C.  M.  Pennington 
of  New  Jersey,  who  was  supported  by  a  few  of 
those  who  did  not  see  their  way  clear  to  the  support 
of  any  of  the  other  candidates.  On  the  first  ballot 
Mr.  Richardson  received  74  votes,  Mr.  Campbell 
53,  Mr.  Marshall  30,  Mr.  Banks  21,  Mr.  Fuller  17, 
Mr.  Pennington  7,  and  there  were  scattering  votes 
for  fifteen  others.  This  shows  into  what  different 
shades  of  political  conviction  the  opponents  of 
the  Democratic  party  were  divided,  upon  the  dis 
solution  of  the  Whig  party. 

It  will  be  noted  here  as  showing  the  strength  the 
Republican  party  had  acquired  up  to  that  time 
that  only  fifty-three  members  of  the  House  were 
willing  to  avow  their  belief  in  its  principles  by 
casting  their  votes  for  Mr.  Campbell,  its  candi 
date  for  Speaker — twenty-one  less  than  the  Demo 
crats  who  cast  their  votes  for  Mr.  Richardson.  It 
may  also  be  noted  that  Mr.  Banks,  who  was  ulti- 


268  The  LIFE  of  J.  CLANCY  JONES 

mately  chosen  Speaker  by  a  minority  vote,  was 
not  the  candidate  of  the  Republican  party. 

The  contest  for  Speaker  continued  until  the 
2d  of  February,  1856.  There  were  one  hundred 
and  thirty-three  ballots.  As  the  balloting  pro 
gressed,  the  opponents  of  the  Democratic  party 
concentrated  their  votes  upon  Mr.  Banks  and  Mr. 
Fuller,  and  the  Democrats  changed  their  votes, 
first  to  James  L.  Orr  of  South  Carolina,  and  after 
wards  to  William  Aiken  of  the  same  State.  On 
the  last  ballot  Mr.  Banks  received  103  votes,  Mr. 
Aiken  100,  Mr.  Fuller  6,  Mr.  Campbell  4,  and 
Daniel  Wells  i.  It  had  been  agreed  that  if  no 
one  should  receive  a  majority  on  this  ballot,  the 
candidate  having  the  highest  vote  should  be  de 
clared  elected  Speaker.  It  was  in  this  way  that 
Nathaniel  P.  Banks  became  Speaker  of  the  Thirty- 
fourth  Congress. 

Very  early  in  the  session  the  attack  in  the  House 
upon  the  platform  of  the  Democratic  party,  which 
Mr.  Jones  had  drawn,  began.  It  opened  on  the 
1 8th  of  December  and  ceased  on  the  24th,  and 
was  closely  watched  by  the  country.  During  this 
running  debate  of  four  days,  Mr.  Jones  sustained 
with  readiness,  skill,  rare  ability,  and  success  the 
difficult  and  distinguished  position  that  had  been 
assigned  to  him.  The  debate  was  as  follows: 

MR.  WALKER,  of  Alabama,  continued : 
Now,  sir,  as  I  remarked  before,  under  ordinary  cir 
cumstances,    I   should   have   taken  no   heed  to   such 


A  LONG  DEBATE  269 

comments ;  but  I  think  the  time  has  come  when  every 
man's  position  upon  this  floor  should  not  only  be 
known  to  his  fellow  members,  but  made  known 
to  the  country.  He  should  make  known  where  he 
stands,  and  where  he  intends  to  stand.  Why,  sir, 
this  small  body  of  thirty  men  have  not  only  been  the 
target  for  the  press  of  the  country,  but  they  have  been 
used  in  this  House  with  the  game  of  shuttlecock  and 
battledoor,  by  the  Republicans  on  the  one  side,  and 
by  the  Democracy  on  the  other.  What  has  the  gentle 
man  from  Tennessee  [Mr.  Smith]  said?  That  the 
Democratic  party  was  the  only  one  in  this  House  act 
ing  upon  principle.  If  so,  what  is  that  principle?  It 
is  the  principle  of  party  exclusiveness.  They  met  in 
their  preliminary  caucus  and  adopted  a  resolution 
which  many  of  the  calmer  members  of  the  party  saw 
plainly  was  an  insult  and  a  stigma  on  members  upon 
this  floor  who  agreed  with  them  on  the  general  prin 
ciple  of  government,  and  only  differed  with  them  in 
reference  to  a  mere  matter  of  legislative  expediency. 
******** 
MR.  JONES.  As  I  had  the  honor  of  submitting  the 
resolution  to  which  he  refers,  I  wish  to  state  exactly 
what  was  meant  by  it.  I  will  merely  state  that  the 
nationality  of  Pennsylvania,  instead  of  being  repre 
sented  upon  this  floor  this  day  by  six  national  votes, 
would  poll  seventeen  for  Mr.  Richardson,  if  it  were  not 
for  Know-Nothingism,  which  is  understood,  in  my 
country,  to  be  synonymous  with  Free-Soilism.  The 
nationality  of  the  Democratic  party  in  this  House,  in 
my  opinion,  consists  in  this  fact:  that  the  whole  body 
of  the  Democratic  members  from  the  North,  and  the 
whole  body  of  the  Democratic  members  from  the  South, 


270  The  LIFE  of  J.  CLANCY  JONES 

act  together  here  as  a  unit.  No  other  party  here 
presents  that  aspect.  Now,  the  gentleman  from 
Alabama  certainly  will  not  impute  to  me,  or  those 
gentlemen  who  voted  for  my  resolution,  an  intention 
to  insult  any  individual,  or  any  class  of  individuals. 
I  am  sure  such  was  not  the  case.  My  friend  will  search 
those  resolutions  in  vain  to  find  a  word  about  the 
American  party.  We  speak  of  the  Know-Nothing  party, 
which,  in  my  country — and  I  presume  it  is  the  same 
elsewhere — means  Free-Soilism  concealed,  in  contradis 
tinction  to  Free-Soilism  openly  and  publicly  expressed. 

I  merely  wish  my  friend  to  understand,  as  an  allu 
sion  was  made  to  the  same  thing  yesterday,  that,  as  I 
understand  the  Democracy,  they  only  wished  to  place 
themselves  on  a  national  platform  before  the  whole 
country,  so  that  neither  gentlemen  from  the  North 
nor  gentlemen  from  the  South  should  misunderstand 
their  position.  They  mean  to  stand  upon  that  plat 
form  without  compromise  or  concession;  they  do  it 
from  devotion  to  what  they  believe  to  be  a  great 
principle,  and  as  a  duty  which  they  owe  to  their  coun 
try  ;  but  they  never  did  design  to  cast  any  imputation 
upon  any  class  or  classes  of  men. 

I  hope,  therefore,  my  friend  from  Alabama  will 
understand  that,  in  speaking  of  the  Know-Nothing 
party,  as  a  Pennsylvania  Democrat,  I  mean  to  say 
that,  but  for  that  party  by  that  name  called  and  known 
— and  the  records  of  the  country  sustain  me  in  that  po 
sition — I  believe  that  Pennsylvania  this  day  would  cast 
a  vote  that  no  man  would  question  the  nationality  of. 

MR.  ALLISON.  Will  the  gentleman  from  Alabama 
allow  me  to  put  an  inquiry  to  my  colleague  from  the 
Berks  district? 


A  LONG  DEBATE  271 

MR.  WALKER.     I  will  yield  for  that  purpose. 

MR.  ALLISON.  I  wish  to  know  whether  I  under 
stood  my  colleague  aright.  I  understood  him  to  say 
that  the  principles  of  the  Know-Nothing  party  and 
of  the  Free-Soil  or  Anti-Nebraska  party  were  identical, 
and,  therefore,  that  there  was  not  a  majority  of 
national  Democrats  from  Pennsylvania  on  this  floor. 
Now,  if  I  understand  my  colleague  aright,  I  wish  to 
say  that  I  endorse  the  idea  expressed  by  him — that 
had  it  not  been  for  the  fact  that  the  people  of  Pennsyl 
vania  condemned  the  Kansas  and  Nebraska  Act  of 
the  last  Congress,  it  might  have  been  that  seventeen 
national  Democrats  would  have  been  found  upon  this 
floor;  but,  having  condemned  that  act,  the  Know- 
Nothings  and  the  Free-Soil  party  united,  and  Penn 
sylvania  is  represented  here  by  a  majority  of  those 
who  condemn  that  act. 

MR.  JONES.  What  was  my  colleague's  question?  He 
has  asked  none. 

MR.  ALLISON.  The  question  I  desired  to  put  to  my 
colleague  was  this:  Whether  I  understood  him  aright 
to  say  that  the  sentiments  of  the  Free-Soil  party  and 
the  Know-Nothing  party  were  identical  upon  the 
question  of  the  extension  of  slavery? 

MR.  JONES.  Yes;  but  I  wish  to  explain  myself  in 
a  few  words,  so  that  I  cannot  be  misunderstood. 

MR.  ALLISON.  Oh,  I  perfectly  agree  with  my 
colleague. 

MR.  JONES.  What  I  meant  to  say,  Mr.  Clerk,  was 
this,  that  the  national  Democratic  party  of  Pennsyl 
vania  are  willing  any  day,  and  at  any  hour,  to  meet 
the  Free-Soil  party,  as  known  by  that  name,  and  to 
risk  everything  upon  that  issue  before  the  people  of 


272  The  LIFE  of  J.  CLANCY  JONES 

Pennsylvania ;  but  when  a  society  calling  itself  Know- 
Nothing  is  also  in  the  field,  with  a  secret  organization, 
and  concealing  those  very  same  Free-Soil  principles— 
an  underground  organization  with  an  above-ground 
operation — between  the  two,  the  Democratic  party  is 
left  with  only  six  representatives  standing ;  but  we  are 
proud  of  those  six. 

******** 

After  some  remarks  by  Mr.  Campbell,  of  Pennsyl 
vania,  Mr.  Jones  continued: 

Mr.  Clerk,  I  wish  to  put  a  few  questions  to  my 
colleague,  and  not  to  address  the  House.  He  knows 
that  I  would  be  the  very  last  man  in  the  world  who 
would  put  him  in  a  false  position  before  this  House 
or  the  country.  When  I  rose  to  ask  the  honorable 
gentleman  from  Alabama  [Mr.  Walker]  a  question,  it 
was  with  the  intention  that  his  mind  might  be  dis 
abused,  or  that  his  friends  might  be  disabused,  from 
the  idea  that  in  passing  that  resolution  we  meant  to 
cast  an  imputation  upon  any  individual,  or  any  col 
lection  of  individuals.  Such  was  not  the  intention. 

MR.  CAMPBELL.     Certainly  not. 

MR.  JONES.  I  also  stated  to  the  House,  that  as  a 
national  Democrat  from  Pennsylvania,  I  understood 
that  Know-Nothingism  in  that  State  was  synonymous 
with  Free-Soilism.  I  expected  a  response  from  one  of 
my  colleagues.  The  honorable  gentleman  [Mr.  Allison], 
known  as  a  high-minded  man,  and  boldly  professing 
Free-Soil  principles,  rose  in  his  place  and  stated  that 
he  agreed  with  what  I  had  stated;  that  it  was  right. 

I  would  not  wish  to  place  my  colleague  from  the 
Schuylkill  district  [Mr.  Campbell]  in  a  false  position. 
He  takes  issue  with  me  and  my  colleague  from  the 


A  LONG  DEBATE  273 

Beaver  district  [Mr.  Allison].  I  wish,  now,  merely  for 
my  own  satisfaction,  to  inquire  of  my  colleague,  who 
says  that  the  Know- No  thing  party  in  Pennsylvania  is 
not  a  Free-Soil  party,  why  is  it  that  the  delegation 
from  that  State,  with  the  exception  of  three  members, 
vote  for  Mr.  Banks,  of  Massachusetts,  who  is  publicly 
held  up  here  as  the  bone  and  sinew  of  Free-Soilism? 
Explain  that  and  I  shall  be  satisfied.  I  do  not  know 
whether  my  colleague  is  a  Know- Nothing  or  not;  I 
never  asked  him;  and  I  meant  no  imputation  when  I 
used  the  phrase.  I  again  state  that  the  Know- Nothing 
party,  known  by  us  as  such,  has  principles  synony 
mous  with  those  professed  by  the  Free-Soil  party;  that 
it  is  Free-Soilism  in  disguise ;  and  that  that  Free- 
Soilism  alone,  under  the  name  of  Know-Nothing,  is 
what  prevents  my  State  this  day  from  casting  seven 
teen  votes  for  Mr.  Richardson,  instead  of  six. 

MR.  GIDDINGS.  What  do  you  mean  by  Free-Soilism? 
Define  your  terms. 

MR.  JONES.  I  will  with  a  great  deal  of  pleasure. 
I  can  only  define  it  as  I  understand  it.  Men  and 
things  have  changed  of  late  with  wonderful  rapidity. 
If  I  am  wrong  I  can  be  corrected.  Free-Soilism,  a 
few  weeks  ago,  was  the  restoration  of  the  Missouri  line. 
Mr.  Greeley  now  states  in  his  paper  that  that  is  not 
the  object  of  contest  now;  it  means  the  future  non- 
admission  of  any  State  into  the  Union  with  slavery. 
Am  I  correct? 

MR.  CAMPBELL,  of  Pennsylvania.  If  my  colleague 
[Mr.  Jones]  had  inquired  of  me  whether  the  Democratic 
party  of  Pennsylvania  had  gone  over  to  Free-Soilism, 
I  should  have  referred  him  to  his  colleagues,  Mr. 
Grow,  Mr.  Barclay,  and  others.  [Laughter.] 

VOL.  1—18 


274  The  LIFE  of  J.  CLANCY  JONES 

MR.  JONES,  of  Pennsylvania.  Does  my  colleague 
wish  me  to  explain  what  I  meant  again? 

MR.  CAMPBELL,  of  Pennsylvania.  Not  now.  But 
I  say  that  my  colleagues  and  myself  have  not  gone 
over  to  Free-Soilism.  We  consider  that  on  this  Ne 
braska  question  gentlemen  from  the  South  may 
represent  their  views,  as  gentlemen  of  the  North  will 
represent  theirs.  We  are  supporting  Mr.  Banks  as  an 
American.  He  may  take  any  views  he  thinks  proper 
on  the  subject  of  the  Kansas  and  Nebraska  Bill. 

MR.  WASHBURNE,  of  Illinois.  I  desire  that  the 
gentleman  from  Pennsylvania  will  give  his  attention 
for  a  moment  while  I  ask  him  a  simple  question. 

MR.  JONES,  of  Pennsylvania.  I  desire,  first,  to 
have  a  correct  understanding  with  my  colleague.  I 
say  to  my  colleague  that  the  Democratic  party  of 
Pennsylvania,  to  which  I  belong,  is  a  National  party. 
One  of  my  colleagues  [Mr.  Grow]  said,  yesterday,  that 
he  could  not  understand  why  the  fact  that  the  whole 
South,  and  those  who  are  left  of  us  at  the  North,  were 
voting  for  a  National  man  living  at  the  North,  made 
the  Democratic  party  a  National  party.  We  do  not 
make  any  distinction  between  the  North  and  the  South. 
But  my  colleague  found  fault  with  the  paucity  of  our 
numbers,  and  gave  it  as  a  reason  why  we  were  not 
National  that  we  numbered  only  fifteen  men  from  the 
North.  Well,  I  believe  it  only  required  ten  men  to 
save  Sodom.  [Laughter.] 

MR.  COBB,  of  Alabama.  It  only  took  five  at  last. 
[Renewed  laughter.] 

MR.  JONES,  of  Pennsylvania.  So  much  the  better. 
But  we  stand  fifteen;  and  I  understand  that  the 
point  made  by  my  colleague  was,  that  the  paucity 


A  LONG  DEBATE  275 

of  our  numbers  was  evidence  of  our  want  of  nationality. 
Now,  as  we  have  been  voting  for  a  Northern  man,  and 
a  national  man,  I  thought  the  intention  was  rather  to 
call  the  South  to  question ;  and  I  marvelled  how  they 
could  be  charged  with  being  a  sectional  party,  when 
they  had  been  voting  for  a  Northern  man.  I  think 
that  this  is  the  best  test  that  could  be  given  of  nation 
ality  on  this  floor,  coming,  too,  from  Southern  men, 
stung,  as  .they  are,  to  the  very  quick  by  an  attempt  to 
rob  them  of  rights  guaranteed  by  the  Constitution  of 
the  country — a  body  of  men  who  come  up  into  this 
hall  asking  for  nothing  that  I  have  ever  heard  of  but 
the  simple  guarantees  of  that  Constitution.  I  have 
never  upon  this  floor  been  asked  by  a  Southern  man 
to  cast  a  vote  because  it  was  for  the  South.  I  have 
never  cast  a  Southern  vote  in  my  life.  The  only  thing 
that  has  ever  been  asked  of  me  (and  I  have  always 
given  it  to  the  best  of  my  humble  ability)  was  to  cast 
my  vote  for  the  South  as  far  as  she  had  rights  guaran 
teed  by  the  Constitution;  and  I  have  made  up  my 
mind  long  ago  that  I  will  stand  by  those  rights  if  I 
stand  alone,  instead  of  with  fourteen  others.  [Loud 
applause.] 

MR.  EDIE.  Will  my  colleague  yield  to  me  a  mo 
ment? 

MR.  JONES,  of  Pennsylvania.  Not  now;  I  will 
give  my  colleague  a  chance  by-and-by,  for  he  and  I 
agree  upon  one  point  at  least. 

The  magnanimity  displayed  here  by  Southern  men 
is  an  exhibition  I  am  proud  to  see,  because  the  hue 
and  cry  throughout  the  country  has  been  that  the 
South  want  to  dissolve  the  Union,  and  I  want  the 
North  to  see  that  there  are  sixty  Southern  men  in  this 


276  The  LIFE  of  J.  CLANCY  JONES 

House  who  are  willing  to  vote  week  after  week  for  a 
Northern  man,  thus  declaring  to  the  country  that  all 
they  want  is  national  principles,  and  that  they  care 
not  whether  the  representative  of  these  principles 
comes  from  the  North  or  from  the  South.  If  this 
exhibition  were  continued  forty  days  longer,  I  think 
the  time  would  be  well  spent. 

And  now,  sir,  I  want  to  ask  a  question  of  my  col 
league  [Mr.  Campbell],  He  said  that  there  were  Demo 
crats  elected  to  this  House  from  the  State  of  Penn 
sylvania  who  were  not  sound  on  this  question  of 
slavery.  I  do  not  suppose  he  meant  to  say  what  might 
be  inferred  from  his  remark.  I  do  not  believe  he  meant 
to  impeach  the  motives  of  gentlemen  voting  upon  this 
floor,  and  it  is  contrary  to  the  rules  of  this  House  to 
impute  motives.  I  know,  sir,  that  there  are  six  mem 
bers  from  Pennsylvania,  who,  from  the  day  the  Demo 
cratic  caucus  met  (and  they  were  all  there)  to  this  day, 
have  voted  as  I  have  voted.  I  cannot  inquire  into  their 
motives.  If  my  colleague  knows  anything  about 
them— 

MR.  CAMPBELL,  of  Pennsylvania  (interrupting).  I 
did  not  impeach  the  motives  of  any  gentleman.  I 
never  do  such  a  thing.  I  referred  to  the  fact  that  cer 
tain  Democratic  members  of  this  House  from  the 
State  of  Pennsylvania  were  elected  openly  as  anti- 
Nebraska  men. 

MR.  JONES.     Will  my  colleague  name  them? 

MR.  CAMPBELL.  I  suppose  these  gentlemen  will 
carry  out  fairly  the  principles  on  which  they  were 
elected. 

MR.  KEITT.     Who  are  they? 

SEVERAL  MEMBERS.    Name  them. 


A  LONG  DEBATE  277 

MR.  CAMPBELL.  Well,  there  is  Mr.  Grow  [laughter] 
and  Mr.  Barclay. 

MR.  JONES.     Mr.  Grow  is  able  to  speak  for  himself. 

Mr.  GROW.  I  am  anxious  for  the  floor  for  that 
purpose . 

MR.  JONES.  All  I  can  say  is,  that  I  understand  Mr. 
Gro\v  to  take  his  position  openly,  publicly,  and  honor 
ably.  I  will  impeach  the  motives  of  no  man.  If  he 
professes  his  principles  openly,  I  will  take  him  by 
that  profession.  Mr.  Grow  did  not  meet  with  us  in 
caucus,  and  has  not  voted  with  us  once.  I  understand 
that  he  does  not  pretend  or  profess  to  belong  to  what 
we  call  the  National  Democracy.  I  was  only  sorry 
that  I  understood  him  to  say  yesterday  that  the  only 
objection  he  had  to  it  at  the  North  was  that  there  were 
only  seventeen  of  us.  I  have  no  doubt  he  has  another 
reason,  but  that  was  the  only  one  he  gave.  I  have  no 
doubt,  however,  that  he  will  explain  himself  fully. 

Other  gentlemen  from  Pennsylvania  met  with  us  in 
caucus  and  have  voted  with  us.  We  understand  them 
to  be  opposed  to  the  repeal  of  the  Kansas-Nebraska 
Bill,  and  anything  beyond  that  is  between  them  and 
their  constituents.  I  did  suppose  that  the  Pennsyl 
vania  vote  cast  for  Mr.  Banks  meant  that  all  who 
voted  for  him  from  Pennsylvania  were  against  the 
Kansas-Nebraska  Bill.  If  I  am  wrong  in  this,  I  shall 
be  happy  to  be  corrected. 

MR.  WASHBURNE,  of  Illinois.  I  repeat,  that  I  desire 
to  make  an  inquiry  of  the  gentleman  from  Pennsyl 
vania. 

MR.  JONES.     I  will  yield  to  you  for  a  moment. 

MR.  GROW.  I  desire  the  floor  to  say  a  few  words 
only. 


278  The  LIFE  of  J.  CLANCY  JONES 

MR.  LETCHER.  There  is  plenty  of  time;  take  it 
leisurely. 

MR.  WASHBURNE,  of  Illinois.  I  understood  that  the 
gentleman  from  the  Berks  district  of  Pennsylvania 
[Mr.  Jones]  made  the  platform  which  was  adopted  by 
the  Democratic  caucus  which  nominated  for  Speaker 
my  friend  and  colleague,  Mr.  Richardson.  I  under 
stand,  from  the  explanation  he  has  made  to-day  in 
regard  to  that  platform,  that  there  is  a  difference 
between  the  Know- Nothings  and  the  Americans ;  that 
he  considers  the  Know- Nothings  to  be  Abolitionists; 
and  that  the  expression  "  Know- Nothings "  used  in 
that  platform  was  not  intended  to  apply  to  the  South 
ern  Know-Nothings  or  Americans.  I  understood  that 
to  be  his  explanation  here  this  morning.  I  desire  to 
know  if  he  wished  that  explanation  so  to  go  out  to 
the  country. 

MR.  JONES.  I  can  only  say  I  am  sorry  my  friend 
from  Illinois  should  have  misunderstood  me  upon  the 
subject,  for  I  certainly  meant  to  say  no  such  thing. 

MR.  WASHBURNE.  I  certainly  understood  the  gentle 
man  as  I  have  represented  him. 

MR.  JONES.  I  will  restate  the  matter.  An  objection 
was  raised  here  this  morning  by  the  gentleman  from 
Alabama  [Mr.  Walker],  that  the  resolution  of  the 
Democratic  caucus — not  a  platform  made  by  me,  but 
by  the  Democratic  party  in  caucus,  of  which  I  was 
merely  an  instrument,  and,  as  such,  offered  the  resolu 
tion — had  treated  the  American  party  with  contempt. 
I  stated  that  the  words  "American  party"  were  not 
in  the  resolution,  and  that  not  a  single  word  used  therein 
was  intended  to  be  disrespectful  to  any  man  or  class 
of  men. 


A  LONG  DEBATE  279 

One  word  further.  I  stated  that  in  the  country — 
and  there  I  speak  for  myself,  and  do  not  mean  to  be 
sectional  by  any  Mason  and  Dixon  line,  but  mean  by 
the  word  country  the  whole  country — our  belief  and 
understanding  is,  that  Know-Nothingism  is  Free-Soil- 
ism  in  disguise ;  and,  whatever  it  publicly  professes, 
it  goes  to  the  polls  and  defeats  the  National  Democratic 
party  by  voting  with  the  Free -Soil  party,  and  that 
accounts  for  the  paucity  of  our  numbers.  When  I 
speak  of  Know-Nothingism,  as  we  understand  it  at 
the  North,  I  mean  this:  Know-Nothingism,  wherever 
it  may  be  found,  in  its  movements  and  consequences, 
is  in  direct  conflict  with  the  Democratic  party,  and 
indirectly  accomplishes  the  same  end — the  defeat  of 
that  party,  and  indirectly,  if  not  directly,  aids  Free- 
Soilism. 

MR.  WASHBURNE.  Then  the  gentleman  says  this: 
That  he  understands  Know-Nothingism  to  be  Aboli 
tionism  in  disguise  as  contradistinguished  from  Amer 
icanism. 

MR.  JONES.    No,  sir,  I  did  not  say  that. 

MR.  WASHBURNE.  Then  I  will  ask  the  gentleman 
from  Pennsylvania  if  he  does  not  consider  Know- 
Nothingism  and  Americanism  the  same  thing? 

MR.  JONES.  No,  sir;  I  am  an  American  myself; 
but  I  am  not,  and  I  never  will  be,  a  Know-Nothing. 
[Laughter.] 

MR.  WASHBURNE.  I  assume  that  we  are  all  Ameri 
cans  ;  but  the  gentleman  from  Pennsylvania  must  well 
understand  the  meaning  of  the  word  in  the  manner 
in  which  I  used  it,  and  I  desire  him  to  explain  the 
difference  he  has  attempted  to  draw  between  Know- 
Nothingism  and  Americanism. 


280  The  LIFE  of  J.  CLANCY  JONES 

MR.  JONES.  I  presume  I  could  do  that  more  satis 
factorily  after  having  gone  through  the  process  of 
initiation  in  the  order,  which  has  not  happened  to  me 
as  yet.  But  I  will  proceed  to  explain  as  best  I  can: 
There  is  a  party  in  this  country  which  calls  itself 
American,  which  calls  itself  Know-Nothing,  which 
calls  itself  Anti-Foreign,  which  calls  itself  the  party 
of  the  country,  which  calls  itself  the  National  party, 
and  at  other  times  a  sectional  party ;  and  if  the  gentle 
man  from  Illinois  means  that  party,  as  they  style 
themselves,  then  I  mean  that  those  names  are  synony 
mous,  and  refer  to  a  party  which  bodes  no  good  to 
our  country. 

MR.  WASHBURNE.  I  understood,  from  the  language 
of  the  gentleman  from  Pennsylvania,  in  the  explana 
tion  he  made  of  the  platform  of  the  Democratic 
caucus,  that  he  intended  that  language  as  an  invita 
tion  to  the  Southern  Know-Nothings  to  come  in  and 
vote  for  his  candidate ;  and  that  the  platform,  as  laid 
down  by  the  Democratic  caucus,  and  explained  by 
himself  this  morning,  offered  no  barrier  to  their  coming 
in  to  such  support.  I  merely  state  how  I  understood 
the  matter. 

MR.  JONES.  I  can  only  say  I  am  astonished  that 
he  should  give  such  a  construction  to  my  language. 
I  now  say  that,  after  I  have  offered  a  resolution  in 
the  Democratic  caucus  which  publicly  proclaims  the 
principles  of  its  organization,  and  which  says  to  the 
country  and  the  world  that  we  never  will  take  down 
one  plank  of  that  platform,  can  that  gentleman  then, 
by  any  possibility,  understand  me  now  to  mean  that 
I  am  open  to  compromise ,  except  so  far  as  this :  that 
our  party  is  open  to  every  man  of  you  as  soon  as  you 


A  LONG  DEBATE  281 

repudiate  your  errors  and  come  into  our  party  and 
stand  upon  our  platform? 

MR.  WASHBURNE.  Will  the  gentleman  just  allow 
me  to  ask  him  one  question.  ^*l£J 

MR.  JONES.  Excuse  me.  I  only  want  to  say  a 
word  in  reply  to  the  explanation  of  my  friend  from 
Alabama  [Mr.  Walker].  I  can  now  easily  understand 
how  I  wras  mistaken  as  to  the  meaning  of  what  he  said. 
He  said — using  his  very  words — that  his  sympathies 
were  with  the  conservative  party — with  the  national 
party — with  the  party  which  is  opposed  to  the  restor 
ation  of  the  Missouri  Compromise  line,  and  which  aims 
at  a  dozen  other  good  things;  the  portraiture  which 
he  drew  of  this  party  fitted  my  party  so  well,  that  I 
thought  the  gentleman  was  alluding  all  the  time  to 
the  national  Democratic  party.  [Laughter.]  Now,  if  I 
have  committed  a  mistake  in  this,  I  hope  the  gentle 
man  from  Alabama  will  not  find  fault  with  me  on  that 
account,  because,  as  I  say,  he  described  just  the  party 
to  which  I  have  the  honor  to  belong.  [Continued 
laughter.]  .  It  was,  therefore,  only  a  simple  miscon 
struction  of  an  application,  and  I  hope  he  will  pardon 
me  for  making  the  application  which  I  did  of  his 
remarks.  I  certainly  did  apply  all  he  said  to  the 
Democratic  party. 

My  colleague  from  Pennsylvania  [Mr.  Allison]  has 
asked  me  once  or  twice  for  the  floor,  and  I  now  yield 
it  to  him. 

MR.  WASHBURNE.  The  question  I  wish  to  ask,  is 
this:  Will  the  gentleman  from  Pennsylvania  [Mr. 
Jones]  and  his  friends  go  to  the  caucus  for  which  they 
have  got  so  polite  an  invitation  from  the  gentleman 
from  Alabama  [Mr.  Walker]?  [Laughter  and  shouts 
of  "Oh,  to  be  sure  we  will;  why  not?"] 


282  The  LIFE  of  J.  CLANCY  JONES 

MR.  JONES.  The  Democratic  party  will  meet  in  no 
caucus  except  in  a  caucus  called  by  that  party  itself, 
and  on  its  well-settled  principles.  That  is  the  only 
political  caucus  that  we  will  attend.  [Cries  of  "  Good, 
good!"  and  laughter.] 

MR.  ALLISON.  I  will  not  occupy  the  time  of  the 
House  long. 

MR.  WALKER  (interrupting).  I  would  like  to  say  a 
few  words  in  reference  to  the  invitation. 

MR.  ALLISON.  I  cannot  yield  the  floor  now.  It 
appears,  Mr.  Clerk,  from  the  statement  made  by  my 
colleague  over  the  way  [Mr.  Jones],  with  which  I  agree, 
and  from  that  made  by  my  colleague  on  the  left  [Mr. 
Campbell],  from  which  I  differ,  that  this  is  a  kind  of 
three-cornered  game  between  us.  [Laughter.]  And 
yet  I  think  that  when  we  come  to  understand  each 
other,  it  will  be  found  that  there  is  no  great  difference 
between  the  three  of  us.  When  my  colleague  from  the 
Berks  district  [Mr.  Jones]  put  his  question,  I  under 
stood  him  to  say  that  the  opinions  of  the  Know- 
Nothing  party,  as  it  is  termed,  and  of  the  party  called 
by  our  Southern  friends  and  by  others  the  Free-Soil 
party  of  the  North,  were  on  the  question  of  the  Kan 
sas-Nebraska  Bill  identical.  I  agree  with  him  that  in 
Pennsylvania  they  were 'the  same;  that  is,  that  both 
these  parties  disapproved  of  that  act ;  that  they  went 
into  the  election  of  1854  on  that  principle;  and  that, 
owing  to  the  fact  that  the  people  of  Pennsylvania 
were  thus  opposed  to  this  measure,  agreeing  with  the 
Know-Nothings,  they  had  sent  here  the  members  of 
Congress  who  now  represent  that  State.  Now,  it 
appears  that  my  colleague  to  the  left  [Mr.  Campbell] 
differs  with  me  on  the  question.  But  I  think  it  is  a 


A  LONG  DEBATE  283 

mere  matter  of  difference  as  to  phraseology,  not  as  to 
facts. 

MR.  CAMPBELL.  I  wish  to  say  one  word  in  expla 
nation. 

MR.  ALLISON  yielded  the  floor  for  the  purpose. 

MR.  CAMPBELL.  I  distinctly  stated  that  the  Ameri 
can  party  of  Pennsylvania  made  no  issue  whatever  on 
the  question  of  slavery,  or  of  the  Kansas-Nebraska 
Bill.  The  American  party  of  Pennsylvania  made  no 
issue  on  that  subject.  It  was  an  open  question,  so  far 
as  that  party  was  concerned. 

MR.  ALLISON.  I  agree  with  my  colleague  [Mr. 
Campbell]  in  that  statement;  but  at  the  same  time 
I  would  say  that  a  large  body  of  the  persons  attached 
to  the  American  party  condemned  that  act,  and  that 
the  members  of  Congress  whom  they  sent  here  were 
elected  on  that  question.  That  was  the  issue,  the  open 
issue,  before  the  people  of  Pennsylvania.  In  almost 
every  Congressional  district  in  the  State  opposition  to 
the  Kansas-Nebraska  Bill  was  the  issue,  the  great 
issue,  on  which  we  went  before  the  people. 

MR.  FLORENCE.     That's  true. 

MR.  ALLISON.  I  know  of  no  district  out  of  the  city 
of  Philadelphia,  where  that  was  not  the  all-absorbing 
question.  I  have  yet  to  learn  of  a  single  district  in 
Pennsylvania,  where  the  question  was  not  fairly  made, 
discussed,  and  decided  by  the  people  against  that  bill. 
I  want  to  know  from  our  Know- Nothing  friends,  if 
they  come  here  and  say  that  that  was  not  the  question 
in  Pennsylvania  which  decided  their  election.  Was  it 
Americanism?  Was  it  Know-Nothingism ?  Not  at  all. 
That  was  a  quiet  question.  It  was  under  the  rose. 
The  question  that  was  before  the  minds  of  the  people 


284  The  LIFE  of  J.  CLANCY  JONES 

of  Pennsylvania  was  the  Kansas  question.  And  I 
have  said  here,  and  I  say  so  now,  that,  so  far  as  my 
knowledge  extends,  the  opinion  of  the  Know-Nothings 
and  that  of  the  Free-Soilers  on  the  subject  of  the 
Kansas-Nebraska  Bill  were  identical  in  condemnation 
of  the  act.  If  ever  there  was  a  question  settled  fairly, 
after  full  and  free  discussion  in  Pennsylvania,  it  was 
this  measure  which  is  so  much  agitated — this  question 
which  wre  have  here  so  much  discussed.  I  know  that 
my  friend  [Mr.  Campbell],  if  he  understands  me,  will 
agree  with  me  in  the  opinion  that  a  large  majority  of 
those  who  belong  to  the  order,  were  anti-Nebraskaites. 
I  know  that  in  my  section  of  the  country,  many  united 
in  that  order  because  they  believed  it  to  be  anti- 
slavery,  and  in  opposition  to  the  extension  of  slavery. 

MR.  CAMPBELL.  Will  the  gentlemen  allow  me  one 
moment  to  reply  to  him,  as  he  has  referred  to  me? 
I  want  it  to  be  distinctly  understood  that,  so  far  as 
Americanism  was  concerned  in  that  canvass,  no  issue 
was  made  on  the  slavery  question.  The  views  which 
I  represent  here  in  opposition  to  the  Kansas-Nebraska 
Bill  are  the  views  of  a  large  body  of  Whigs  and  of 
Americans,  but  no  such  issue  was  made  by  the  Ameri 
can  party. 

MR.  ALLISON.  True,  but  was  not  the  issue  before 
the  people?  I  ask  my  colleague,  was  the  slavery 
question  not  an  open  issue  before  the  people  ? 

MR.  CAMPBELL.  It  was  in  some  districts;  but  it  was 
not  inscribed  on  the  American  banner,  nor  was  it  made 
an  issue. 

MR.  ALLISON.  Not  at  all;  I  do  not  claim  any  such 
thing — I  claim  that  the  American  party,  in  their  acts 
and  through  their  ballot-boxes,  condemned  that  act, 


A  LONG  DEBATE  285 

and  therein  agreed  with  the  Free-Soil  party.  I  do  not 
say  that  the  American  party  came  out  openly  against 
it,  but  they  acted  in  harmony  with  those  who  were 
known  as  Free-Soilers. 

MR.  JONES.  Will  my  colleague  [Mr.  Allison]  allow 
me  to  ask  him  one  question?  and  I  am  willing  to 
abide  by  his  answer. 

MR.  ALLISON  yielded  the  floor  to  his  colleague. 

MR.  JONES.  I  want  to  inquire  of  my  colleague  on 
the  other  side  [Mr.  Allison]  whether  there  was  not,  a 
short  time  prior  to  the  election  in  Pennsylvania,  in 
last  October,  a  fusion  committee  assembled  at  Harris- 
burg,  and  whether  one  chairman  of  that  committee  did 
not  represent  the  Whig  party,  another  chairman  the 
American  party,  and  a  third  chairman  the  Free-Soil 
or  Republican  party?  I  want  my  colleague  to  answer 
me  whether  that  fusion  committee  did  not  meet  within 
ten  days,  or  at  least  within  two  weeks,  of  the  election? 
I  w^ant  him  to  state  whether  there  was  not  a  procla 
mation  put  forth  in  the  State  of  Pennsylvania,  in  which 
every  man  who  was  opposed  to  the  Nebraska  iniquity 
should  come  and  cast  his  vote  for  Nicholson — that  he 
was  the  embodiment  of  anti-Nebraskaism,  Whiggism, 
Know-Nothingism,  Free-Soilism,  Abolitionism,  Maine- 
Lawism,  and  all  other  isms,  knocked  into  one  ?  And  I 
want  my  colleague  to  state  whether  that  statement  was 
not  published  to  the  people  of  the  whole  State,  and 
made  the  basis  upon  which  the  election  wras  held? 

MR.  ALLISON.  My  colleague  asks  me  quite  a  num 
ber  of  questions,  all  of  which  I  will  answer,  but  one  at 
a  time.  In  the  first  place,  I  will  answer  that  there  was 
an  assemblage  in  Harrisburg  of  those  opposed  to  the 
present  administration  and  opposed  to  the  Kansas  and 


286  The  LIFE  of  J.  CLANCY  JONES 

Nebraska  Act.  I  say  they  met  in  Harrisburg,  and 
tried  to  concentrate  the  anti-Nebraska  forces  of  Penn 
sylvania.  They  tried  to  unite  them  upon  a  single 
candidate,  and  I  am  only  sorry  they  were  not  success 
ful.  They  put  forth  the  name  of  a  gentleman  who 
resides  in  my  district ;  a  gentleman  whom  I  know  well, 
and  know  to  be  just  as  sound  upon  the  national  ques 
tions  as  I  am  myself.  [Laughter.]  I  know  him,  but 
admire  him  because  he  is  a  national  man,  believing 
that  slavery  ought  not  to  be  extended.  Now  let  me 
ask  my  colleague  [Mr.  Jones]  one  question.  Did  he 
not  attend  a  convention  held  by  the  Democratic  party 
in  Pennsylvania,  which  convention  was  afraid  to  show 
its  hand  upon  this  Nebraska  Bill?  [Laughter.] 

MR.  JONES.  I  will  answer  my  colleague  with  great 
pleasure,  for  I  like  to  respond  to  his  questions.  I  did 
not  attend  any  convention  that  was  afraid  to  speak 
out  upon  the  Nebraska  Bill ;  at  least  they  were  not 
afraid,  judging  by  their  acts.  I  did  attend  a  conven 
tion,  over  which  I  had  the  honor  to  preside,  of  the 
Democratic  party  of  Pennsylvania  in  July  last.  The 
committee  appointed  for  that  purpose  reported  a 
resolution  on  this  subject.  An  amendment  was  offered, 
upon  which  the  yeas  and  nays  were  called,  as  the 
resolution  was  not  considered  strong  enough.  It  was 
this:  The  original  resolution  read,  "That  the  General 
Government  had  no  right  to  interfere  with  slavery  in 
the  States."  The  amendment  added,  "or  Territories." 
The  amendment  was  adopted  with  but  three  or  four 
dissenting  voices,  and  all  of  those  are  represented  upon 
this  floor  by  my  colleague  [Mr.  Grow].  The  resolution, 
as  amended,  read  as  follows: 

"Resolved,  That  the  Democratic  party  need  not,  on 


A  LONG  DEBATE  .  287 

old  and  settled  issues,  to  declare  their  principles  in 
detail;  but  that  it  is  enough  for  us  to  say  that  we 
belong  to  the  Democracy  of  the  Union ;  that  we  recog 
nize  no  geographical  lines  between  the  North  and  the 
South,  but  all  portions  of  the  Union  are  the  same  to 
us;  that  we  will  maintain  and  defend  the  constitu 
tional  rights  of  all  the  States,  and  recognize,  in  their 
widest  extent,  the  principles  of  popular  sovereignty  in 
the  Territories." 

That  was  the  resolution,  and  it  will  speak  for  itself. 
The  Convention  clearly  expressed  its  opinion  upon 
the  principle  of  the  Kansas  and  Nebraska  Bill  when  it 
expressly  asserted  that  the  General  Government  had 
no  right  to  interfere  with  slavery  in  the  Territories  of 
this  Union;  and  it  was  adopted,  as  I  have  said,  with 
but  three  or  four  dissenting  voices,  and  all  from  the 
district  now  represented  on  this  floor  by  my  colleague 
[Mr.  Grow]. 

MR.  ALLISON.  The  gentleman  has  not  answered 
my  question. 

MR.  JONES.  I  have  answered  it.  The  yeas  and 
nays  themselves  upon  the  resolution  answer  it. 

MR.  GIDDINGS,  of  Ohio.  I  now  come  to  the  more 
immediate  issue  made  by  the  gentleman  from  Penn 
sylvania  [Mr.  Jones],  of  whom  I  always  speak  with 
respect.  He  says  the  Know-Nothings  and  the  Repub 
licans  in  Pennsylvania  are  the  same.  I  understand 
my  friend  on  the  left  [Mr.  Allison]  says  they  are  the 
same.  Am  I  right  in  that? 

MR.  JONES.    I  only  reply  that  it  is  so,  as  they  tell  us. 

MR.  GIDDINGS.  You  can  never  find  better  author 
ity  under  heaven  than  the  word  of  those  who  profess 
the  doctrines.  [Laughter.]  I  now  ask  my  friend  on 


288  The  LIFE  of  J.  CLANCY  JONES 

the  left  [Mr.  Allison]  if  that  is  what  he  understood  on 
that  argument? 

MR.  ALLISON.     Certainly. 

MR.  GIDDINGS.  Now,  then,  I  ask  the  gentleman 
over  the  way  [Mr.  Campbell,  of  Pennsylvania]  if  that 
is  what  he  understood  as  Republicanism  in  Pennsyl 
vania  ? 

MR.  CAMPBELL.  I  have  explained  myself  fully  on 
that  point. 

MR.  GIDDINGS.  I  understood  the  gentleman  so;  I 
only  put  the  question  for  the  purpose  of  reaffirmation. 

MR.  CAMPBELL.  My  sentiments  were  perfectly 
expressed,  but  if  the  gentleman  will  yield  me  the  floor 
I  will  repeat  them. 

H  MR.  GIDDINGS.  Oh,  I  so  understood  them  [laughter], 
to  be  sure ;  and  now  I  want  to  ask  my  friend  here 
[Mr.  Jones,  of  Pennsylvania],  are  you,  sir,  opposed  to 
the  restoration  of  liberty  in  Kansas  ?  Say  it  right  out ! 
Laughter.] 

MR.  JONES.  I  do  not  know  that  I  understand  the 
gentleman's  question. 

MR.  GIDDINGS.  I  merely  want  my  friend  to  say 
here  before  the  country — I  carp  not  about  names — 
are  you  in  favor  of  slavery  in  Kansas,  or  are  you  in 
favor  of  restoring  liberty  there  by  national  law? 

A  VOICE.     That's  the  question. 

MR.  JONES.  I  will  answer  the  gentleman  with 
pleasure . 

A  MEMBER.    Restoring  it  by  national  law,  of  course. 

MR.  JONES.  I  am,  through  the  Declaration  of 
Independence,  in  favor  of  liberty  everywhere. 

MR.  GIDDINGS.     I  am  glad  to  hear  it. 

MR.  JONES.     I  am  in  favor  of  liberty  in  my  own 


A  LONG  DEBATE  289 

country,  and  under  an  obligation  which  is  higher  with 
me  than  anything  on  earth.  I  mean  to  stand  by  con 
stitutional  liberty,  and  I  know  no  higher  law. 

MR.  GIDDINGS.     That's  it. 

MR.  JONES.  Now,  I  do  not  mean  to  shirk  the 
question.  I  am  in  favor  of  liberty  in  Kansas  just  as 
much  as  the  Constitution  allows,  and  not  one  particle 
more.  The  bill  which  I  voted  for  secures  that  liberty, 
and  by  it  I  am  willing  to  stand  to  the  last. 

MR.  GIDDINGS.  Then  my  friend  insists  that  the 
Constitution  prohibits  our  giving  freedom  to  Kansas. 
Is  that  it? 

MR.  JONES.  My  reply  is,  the  Constitution  does  not 
prohibit  our  giving  freedom  to  Kansas,  and  she  has 
it  under  the  Constitution. 

MR.  GIDDINGS.  I  want  no  prevarication  or  evasion. 
I  say,  I  understood  my  friend  [Mr.  Jones]  to  declare 
that  by  national  law  we  had  not  the  constitutional 
power  to  restore  liberty  to  the  people  of  Kansas. 

MR.  JONES.  Well,  I  will  answer  my  friend  from 
Ohio. 

MR.  GIDDINGS.    That  is  what  I  want. 

MR.  JONES.  I  am  willing  to  answer  him  categori 
cally. 

MR.  GIDDINGS.    The  very  thing  I  want. 

MR.  JONES.  I  do  not  know  how  to  get  at  it  better 
than  by  saying  this,  that  the  question  of  slavery — 
for  that  is  what  it  is 

MR.  GIDDINGS.    That  is  what  I  say. 

MR.  JONES.  The  question  of  slavery  is  a  question 
which  I  deny  that  Congress  has  the  right  to  decide, 
in  the  sense  in  which  the  gentleman  from  Ohio  speaks 
of  it;  but  I  am  in  favor  of  that  law  which  gives  it  to 

VOL.  1—19 


290  The  LIFE  of  }.  CLANCY  JONES 

the  free  white  citizens  of  Kansas,  or  any  other  Terri 
tory,  to  settle  that  question  for  themselves. 

SEVERAL  MEMBERS  (approvingly).     That  is  it. 

MR.  HUMPHREY  MARSHALL,  of  Kentucky.  I  ask  the 
gentleman  from  Pennsylvania  [Mr.  Jones],  whether  I 
understand  the  principles  of  the  Kansas-Nebraska 
Bill,  for  which  the  Democratic  caucus  pledges  its 
members,  are  to  be  extended 

MR.  GIDDINGS  (interrupting).  My  friend  from 
Kentucky  will  permit  me,  with  all  possible  kindness, 
to  interrupt  him. 

A  MEMBER.    Oh,  let  him  ask  his  question. 

MR.  GIDDINGS.  No,  my  friends,  I  know  better  the 
courtesy  of  debate  than  to  say  that  gentlemen  have  a 
right  to  step  in  and  take  the  floor  from  me.  I  would 
yield  it  with  all  possible  pleasure  to  that  gentleman, 
if  I  did  not  see  that  he  wants  to  propound  a  question 
to  the  gentleman  from  Pennsylvania  [Mr.  Jones]  which 
would  get  up  a  discussion  on  another  point  than  that 
on  which  I  now  am  speaking. 

I  was  then  saying  that  my  friend  [Mr.  Jones]  denies 
that  we  have  the  right  to  prohibit  slavery  in  Kansas 
under  the  Constitution.  I  want  to  meet  him  here. 
[Laughter.] 

MR.  JONES.     I  do  say  that. 

MR.  GIDDINGS.  I  want  to  have  this  issue  proclaimed 
before  the  American  people.  I  ask  his  attention  to 
what  constitutes  slavery.  A  Southern  jurist  has  said, 
"  A  slave  is  one  doomed  in  his  own  person  and  posterity 
to  live  without  knowledge ;  to  toil,  that  another  may 
reap  the  benefits  of  his  labor ;  the  object  is  the  master's 
gain;  the  instrument,  the  perfect  subjection  of  the 
slave."  In  the  case  in  which  this  was  said,  the  master 


A  LONG  DEBATE  291 

had  shot  his  slave ;  and  let  me  say  to  the  gentleman, 
that  wherever  slavery  exists,  the  right  of  self-defence 
is  taken  from  the  slave — that  right  with  which  nature 
and  nature's  God  endowed  him.  Unless  you  take 
from  the  slave  the  right  to  defend  his  person  and 
liberty  against  his  master,  he  is  not  a  slave ;  and 
therefore  it  is  that  wherever  slavery  exists  this  right 
is  taken  from  the  slave. 

Now  here  are  slaveholding  gentlemen,  and  they  can 
not  be  mistaken  whether  this  is  the  law  in  every  slave  - 
holding  State  of  the  Union.  Now,  this  act  of  killing 
slaves  by  the  master  is,  in  my  opinion,  the  vilest 
tyranny,  the  most  perfect  despotism  which  ever 
cursed  the  footstool  of  God.  It  is  a  legalization  of 
murder;  it  is  putting  authority  into  the  hands  of  an 
individual  to  inflict  capital  punishment  upon  his 
fellow-men.  Without  responsibility  to  the  tribunals 
of  the  country,  he  sits  in  judgment,  declares  the 
sentence,  and  executes  it  by  taking  the  life  of  his  slave. 
And  while  we  punish  by  our  own  laws  the  people  of 
Kansas  for  stealing  a  horse,  for  stealing  money,  or 
for  robbery,  my  friend  [Mr.  Jones]  denies  that  we  have 
a  right  to  prohibit  this  murder  of  a  slave.  Now  I 
want  my  friend  to  say,  whether  he  denies  our  right  to 
prohibit  the  killing  of  a  slave  in  Kansas? 

MR.  JONES.  I  answer  my  friend  by  saying  this: 
I  do  not  know  how  I  could  make  it  more  apparent. 
He  [Mr.  Giddings]  is  a  citizen  of  the  State  of  Ohio. 
Now,  I  am  willing  to  accord  to  every  citizen  of  Kansas 
just  the  same  right  and  power  which  he  possesses  on 
that  question  as  a  citizen  of  Ohio.  I  understand  that 
the  people  of  Ohio  have  the  power  and  the  right  to 
establish  to-morrow  or  to  abolish  slavery.  I  tell  him 


292  The  LIFE  of  J.  CLANCY  JONES 

that  I  just  go  for  giving  a  resident  of  Kansas  the  same 
amount  of  power  and  liberty  under  the  Constitution 
of  the  United  States — no  more  and  no  less. 

MR.  MARSHALL,  of  Kentucky.  "The  principles  of 
the  Kansas  Bill!"  When  gentlemen  talk  about  "the 
principles  of  the  Kansas  Bill,"  I  should  like  to  know 
what  they  mean  by  that  phrase.  I  was  about  apply 
ing  to-day  to  the  gentleman  from  Pennsylvania,  when 
he  was  dilating  upon  those  principles,  to  know  whether 
he  understands  the  principles  of  the  Kansas  Bill  to 
authorize  "squatter  sovereignty"  (or  what  is  known 
as  squatter  sovereignty)  in  the  Territories. 

MR.  JONES,  of  Pennsylvania.  If  I  understand  the 
question  of  the  honorable  gentleman  from  Kentucky— 

MR.  MARSHALL  (interposing).  In  order  that  I  may 
be  distinctly  understood,  permit  me  to  put  my  ques 
tion  in  another  way.  I  want  to  know  of  the  gentle 
man  whether  he  understands  the  principle  of  the 
Kansas-Nebraska  Bill  to  authorize  the  passage  of  laws 
to  prohibit  the  institution  of  slavery,  by  the  first 
settlers  of  the  Territory  who  convene  under  the  terri 
torial  government.  That  is  a  plain  question. 

MR.  JONES.  I  had  occasion  during  the  last  Congress 
to  examine  that  bill  with  great  care  before  I  voted  for 
it,  and  I  understood  that  by  that  act  all  the  power 
that  this  Government  possesses  over  the  subject- 
matter  under  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States 
was  conveyed  to  the  people  of  the  Territory;  all  the 
power  that  we  have  to  give  is  given  to  them  under  the 
Constitution  of  the  United  States;  and  that  is  all  the 
powrer  we  have  to  give.  After  that,  when  they  come 
to  frame  a  constitution  for  themselves,  then,  by  ex 
press  provision  of  that  act,  they  have  power  to  deter- 


A  LONG  DEBATE  293 

mine  whether  they  will  have  a  provision  for  slavery  in 
their  constitution  or  not,  and  they  shall  be  entitled  to 
admission  into  this  Union  with  or  without  slavery, 
as  they  in  the  formation  of  that  constitution  shall 
determine . 

MR.  MARSHALL.  It  will  be  perceived  at  once,  by 
the  gentleman's  own  section  of  the  House,  that  he  has 
slided  the  question. 

MR.  JONES.     That  is  the  gentleman's  construction. 

MR.  MARSHALL.  That  is  my  construction  of  the 
gentleman's  answer.  I  want  to  know  of  the  gentleman 
whether,  when  he  asserts  that  he  sustains  the  principle 
of  the  Kansas-Nebraska  Bill,  and  goes  before  the 
country  with  that  declaration,  he  understands  that 
Congress  has  conferred  upon  the  inhabitants  of  the  Terri 
tory  the  right  to  exclude  slavery  pending  the  territorial 
government.  That  is  my  question. 

MR.  JONES.  Now  I  think  I  understand  the  gentle 
man  pretty  correctly. 

MR.  MARSHALL.    I  have  no  doubt  of  it. 

MR.  JONES.  I  understood  the  honorable  gentleman 
to  propound  a  question  to  me,  which  I  rose  to  answer 
in  behalf  of  the  Democratic  party,  as  to  the  construc 
tion  of  that  resolution,  and  I  answered  him  precisely 
as  I  supposed  I  was  authorized  to  do.  I  now  under 
stand  my  friend  from  Kentucky  propounds  a  question 
as  to  my  individual  belief.  That  is  an  entirely  different 
question,  and  I  will  answer  it.  But  I  will  first  ask 
him  a  question. 

MR.  MARSHALL.  Well,  that  is  a  kind  of  sectionalism 
I  don't  understand.  [Laughter.] 

MR.  JONES.  I  am  not  at  all  surprised  that  the 
gentleman  and  myself  do  not  agree  in  anything.  But 


294  The  LIFE  of  J.  CLANCY  JONES 

as  the  question  is  necessary  to  my  answer,  I  ask  him 
whether  this  Congress,  under  the  Constitution  of  the 
United  States,  has  the  power  of  conferring  upon  a 
Territory,  prior  to  its  formation  of  a  State  constitu 
tion,  the  power  of  establishing  or  prohibiting  slavery. 

MR.  MARSHALL.  I  am  perfectly  willing  that  the 
country  should  see  the  manner  in  which  the  homo- 
geneousness  of  the  Democratic  party  is  exhibited,  by 
the  display  the  gentleman  has  made.  [Laughter.] 

MR.  JONES.  I  hope  the  gentleman  will  consider  it 
a  fair  question,  and  not  dodge  it.  The  gentleman 
asked  my  individual  belief.  I  simply  ask  him,  now, 
has  this  Government  the  power,  under  the  Constitu 
tion  of  the  United  States,  to  clothe  the  citizens  of  a 
Territory,  prior  to  the  formation  of  a  State  constitu 
tion,  with  power  to  legislate  upon  slavery  or  not? 

MR.  MARSHALL.     I  say,  no. 

MR.  JONES.  Very  well,  if  the  gentleman  says  no, 
I  reply,  if  this  Government  has  not  the  power,  they  never 
have  conferred  it;  because  they  cannot  confer  what 
they  have  not  got. 

MR.  MARSHALL.  I  understand  the  gentleman  bases 
his  position,  then,  upon  a  concurrence  with  myself 
upon  a  question  of  constitutional  law.  He  asks  my 
opinion  as  to  a  point  of  constitutional  law,  and  frames 
his  answer,  hy pathetically,  upon  that  opinion:  if  they 
have  not  the  power,  they  have  not  bestowed  it.  The 
Democratic  members  of  this  House  stand  "upon  the 
principle  of  the  Kansas-Nebraska  Bill;"  and  I  venture 
to  assert  that  there  is  not  a  Southern  Democrat  upon 
this  floor — unless  exception  be  made  of  one  or  two 
cases  from  Alabama,  Tennessee,  and  Virginia — who 
will  go  before  his  constituency  and  proclaim  the  doc- 


A  LONG  DEBATE  295 

trine  of  squatter  sovereignty;  and  all  the  Northern 
Democrats  justify  their  advocacy  of  those  "principles  " 
upon  the  plea  that  squatter  sovereignty  is  secured  by 
the  bill. 

I  was  not  here  when  that  bill  was  passed,  and  I 
would  like  to  know  of  gentlemen  upon  the  other  side 
of  the  House,  when  they  say  they  maintain  the  prin 
ciples  of  the  bill,  whether  they  intend  to  uphold  it  as 
a  model  bill  for  the  organization  of  other  Territories 
of  the  Union.  Because,  if  they  do,  they  are  right  in 
declaring  themselves  opposed  to  Americanism ;  for  one 
of  "the  principles"  of  that  bill  gives  to  a  man  who 
has  not  become  a  citizen  of  the  United  States  the  privi 
lege  of  exercising  the  right  of  suffrage,  and  of  holding 
office  in  the  Territories.  Against  that  privilege  of 
alien  suffrage  I  enter  my  solemn  protest,  and  can  never 
act  with  a  party  which  proclaims  that  as  one  of  its 
fundamental  principles  in  this  country.  As  they 
intend  to  take  that  cargo  on  board  their  vessel  in  the 
coming  Presidential  contest,  I  am  glad  to  know  it  by 
their  declaration  now — at  the  time  of  starting.  It  is 
at  war  with  all  my  ideas  of  that  civil  liberty  which 
was  achieved  by  the  Revolution  and  is  secured  by  the 
Constitution.  That  principle  was  put  into  the  bill, 
in  my  opinion,  for  the  purpose  of  stimulating  emigra 
tion,  and  causing  a  hot-bed  growth  of  the  north 
western  portion  of  this  Confederacy;  but  as  the 
Democratic  section  of  this  House  embrace  it  among 
the  other  "principles  of  the  Kansas  Bill,"  I  take  a 
broad  issue  before  the  country  upon  it. 

Gentlemen  upon  this  side  of  the  House  [turning  to 
the  Republicans]  cannot  expect  me,  with  my  prin 
ciples,  to  act  with  them.  I  do  not  recognize  any  man 


296  The  LIFE  of  J.  CLANCY  JONES 

as  belonging  to  the  American  party  who  does  not  stand 
flat-footed  upon  the  Philadelphia  platform.  I  dis 
claim  the  idea  that  the  gentleman  from  Massachusetts 
[Mr.  Banks],  who  has  been  voted  for  as  Speaker,  is  a 
member  of  the  American  party.  He  and  his  colleagues 
may  so  claim  him,  but  he  will  recognize  at  once  the 
impassable  line  which  divides  him  from  me.  The 
Philadelphia  platform  in  its  twelfth  section  did  no 
more,  and  does  no  more,  than  assume  the  position 
taken  here  to-day  by  me  and  the  gentlemen  who  have 
voted  with  me  through  these  several  days,  viz:  resist 
ance  to  sectional  agitation,  and  a  heart-felt  desire  to 
see  this  Government  placed  upon  a  line  of  action 
which  shall  secure  the  rights  of  all  sections;  which 
shall  preserve  the  harmony  and  integrity  of  the 
Government  in  its  workings  upon  the  interests  of  each 
and  every  section;  and  which  shall  divert  the  atten 
tion  of  the  American  people  from  these  miserable 
"isms"  which  make  them  all  unhappy  by  disturbing 
the  harmony  of  Government  in  all  sections.  Sir,  I 
wish  to  see  the  people  upon  some  line  of  progress  in 
which  their  nationality  may  be  asserted  and  this 
Government  may  be  made  to  redound  to  the  benefit 
of  every  section  of  our  noble  Confederacy. 

MR.  JONES.  The  gentleman  took  the  liberty  of 
asking  me  a  question,  and  I  hope  he  will  allow  me  the 
same  favor  at  this  point.  I  understood  him  to  say  he 
recognized  the  twelfth  section  of  the  Philadelphia 
platform.  I  wish  to  ask  him  if  he  recognizes  that 
section  which  proscribes  men  from  the  rights  of  Amer 
ican  citizens,  as  I  understand  them,  on  account  of 
their  religion  and  the  place  of  their  birth. 

MR.  MARSHALL.     I  shall  have  no  difficulty  at  all  in 


A  LONG  DEBATE  297 

answering  the  gentleman  that  question.  I  am  in  favor 
of  the  largest  freedom  in  religion  and  liberty  of  consci 
ence.  As  I  claim  the  right  of  private  judgment  in  mat 
ters  of  religious  belief  for  myself,  I  respect  it  in  others. 
I  am  not  in  favor,  and  I  never  have  been  in  favor,  and 
I  deny  that  the  American  party  has,  in  its  platform, 
or  in  any  manner,  declared  an  intent  to  legislate  or  act 
so  as  to  proscribe  a  man  on  account  of  his  religion. 

MR.  JONES.  I  would  ask  the  gentleman  from  Ken 
tucky  if  the  Louisiana  delegation  were  not  refused 
their  seats  in  the  Philadelphia  Convention  upon  that 
very  ground. 

MR.  MARSHALL.  The  gentleman  is  as  conversant 
with  that  matter  as  I  am.  But  I  can  tell  the  gentle 
man  this,  that  whenever  the  American  party  see  a 
man  in  this  country  who  looks  abroad  for  his  allegiance, 
whether  it  be  found  at  Rome  or  elsewhere,  they  do 
not  believe  he  can  be  trusted  as  a  depositary  of  polit 
ical  power  in  this  country. 

It  is  useless  for  us  to  discuss  the  catechism  of  the 
American  party,  since  that  gentleman  and  I  are  as 
wide  as  the  poles  asunder.  All  I  intend  doing  now  is, 
to  make  an  explanation  of  the  reasons  why  the  organi 
zation  of  this  House  does  not  proceed.  The  gentlemen 
on  the  other  side  of  the  House  have  followed  with  their 
programme — a  Congressional  manifesto  indicating  the 
ground  on  which  they  place  the  Democratic  party  for 
the  future — and  in  that  programme  I  find  my  senti 
ments  denounced.  I  find  myself  proscribed  as  an 
enemy  to  civil  and  religious  liberty.  I  find  them  mak 
ing  proclamations  of  adherence  to  principles  which  I 
know,  sir,  are  not  understood  the  same  way  by  their 
own  party,  North  and  South. 


298  The  LIFE  of  J.  CLANCY  JONES 

MR.  JONES.  Will  my  friend  from  Kentucky  allow 
me  to  ask  him  another  question? 

MR.  MARSHALL.     Certainly. 

MR.  JONES.  I  assure  the  gentleman  from  Kentucky 
that  I  would  not  interrupt  him,  nor  ask  any  question 
whatever,  only  I  find  that  his  remarks  are  based  upon 
the  construction  of  the  phraseology  of  a  resolution 
which  I  had  the  honor  to  present  in  the  Democratic 
caucus. 

Will  my  friend  allow  me  to  ask  him  a  question? 
He  has  announced  here  publicly  before  the  country 
that  he  is  a  member  of  the  American  party,  and  he 
objects  to  that  resolution  because  he  says  when  we 
declare  to  the  country  that  we  are  against  any  party 
which  proscribes  civil  and  religious  liberty,  that 
means  him  and  his  party.  Now,  I  assure  my  friend  I 
have  never  said  that  he  was  against  civil  liberty  or 
religious  liberty;  but  if  my  friend  puts  himself  in  a 
party  which  that  general  sentiment  designates,  then 
it  does  hit  my  friend,  and  we  so  intended.  [Cries  of 
"Good!"  "  A  hard  hit!"] 

After  a  statement  made  by  Mr.  Ball,  of  Ohio,  Mr. 
Jones  continued:  Mr.  Clerk,  I  wish  merely  to  say  one 
word  in  this  connection.  If  there  is  a  strong  disposi 
tion  in  the  House  to  get  rid  of  difficulties  in  the  way 
of  organization,  in  order  to  relieve  our  friends  from 
unnecessary  trouble  in  explanations  I  will  say  to  them 
that,  if  they  give  me  time  and  call  upon  me,  I  will 
furnish  them  reasons  which  will  justify  any  one  of 
them  in  voting  for  any  one  of  this  famous  Know- 
Nothing  party  upon  any  side  of  any  question.  [Laugh 
ter  and  approval.] 

MR.  ALEX.  K.  MARSHALL.     I  would  ask  the  gentle- 


A  LONG  DEBATE  299 

man  from  Pennsylvania  [Mr.  Jones]  whether  he  can 
furnish  any  pledges  or  promises  from  Mr.  Banks  which 
should  prevent  his  friends  from  voting  for  him.  If  so, 
I  would  ask  the  gentleman  to  furnish  us  with  proof 
of  those  pledges  or  promises. 

MR.  JONES.  The  gentleman  from  Kentucky  has 
asked  me  a  question,  and  I  will  answer  him. 

MR.  JOHN  P.  CAMPBELL  (interrupting).  I  under 
stood  the  gentleman  from  Pennsylvania  [Mr.  Jones]  to 
say  that  if  called  on  he  can  furnish  evidence  sufficient 
to  satisfy  any  Know-Nothing  why,  upon  any  side  of 
any  question,  he  should  not  vote  for  Mr.  Fuller.  [Cries 
of  "No,  no;  he  did  not  say  so."]  Did  I  understand 
him  aright  in  thinking  he  said  so?  [Cries  of  "  No,  no !"] 
That  is  the  way  his  remarks  were  understood  on  this 
side  of  the  House. 

MR.  JONES.     I  will  state  to  the  gentleman— 

THE  CLERK  (interrupting).  The  Clerk  would  state 
to  the  House  that  the  result  of  the  ballot  is  about 
being  announced,  and  he  would  suggest  that  gentle 
men  defer  their  remarks  until  the  result  of  the  ballot 
is  announced. 

MR.  CAMPBELL.  As  this  matter  is  material,  I  would 
ask  the  gentleman  from  Pennsylvania  [Mr.  Jones] 
what  he  did  say. 

MR.  JONES.  I  stated  that  if  I  had  time  allowed  me, 
and  were  called  upon,  I  could — 

MR.  STANTON  (interrupting).  I  insist  on  having  the 
result  of  the  vote  announced  before  this  matter  goes 
further.  [Cries  of  "Oh,  let  him  go  on!"] 

MR.  JONES.  I  stated  this — that  I  understood  the 
difficulties  which  arose  here  were  as  to  the  position 
which  the  party  occupied  on  this  question  of  slavery; 


300  The  LIFE  of  J.  CLANCY  JONES 

and  I  only  meant,  playfully,  to  remark,  to  save  time 
in  explanation,  that  if  any  gentleman  wished  to  under 
stand  the  position  of  the  party,  I  could  furnish  evi 
dence  to  remove  that  difficulty  from  the  mind  of  any 
gentleman,  and  to  enable  him  to  vote  on  some  one  of 
his  professed  principles  for  any  one  of  the  party. 

MR.  CAMPBELL.  I  ask  the  gentleman,  then,  to  men 
tion  the  party  to  which  he  has  reference. 

MR.  JONES.  I  refer  to  what  is  called  the  Know- 
Not  hing  party.  I  will  explain  to  my  friend  again 
what  I  meant  by  my  remark.  I  did  not  intend  to  go 
further,  however.  My  colleague  [Mr.  Campbell]  arose 
yesterday,  and  said  that  he  repudiated  the  charge  of 
Free-Soilism  or  anti-Nebraskaism,  but  that  he  voted 
for  the  honorable  gentleman  from  Massachusetts  [Mr. 
Banks]  because  he  was  a  good  American.  Now,  I 
only  meant  to  say  that  there  are  a  number  of  gentle 
men  here  who  can  vote  for  him  not  because  he  is  an 
American,  but  because  he  is  right  on  the  Kansas- 
Nebraska  question.  Now,  if  that  be  the  standard,  I 
want  to  say  to  our  friends  on  the  other  side,  that  all 
they  have  got  to  do  is,  let  one  portion  of  that  party 
vote  for  Mr.  Banks,  because  he  is  an  American;  let 
another  portion  vote  for  him  because  he  is  a  good 
Free-Soiler ;  let  others  of  them  vote  for  him  because  he 
lives  in  Massachusetts ;  and  if  there  are  any  remaining, 
let  them  vote  for  him  because  everybody  admits  that  he 
is  qualified  to  fill  the  station  of  Speaker.  [Applause 
and  laughter.] 

After  some  further  remarks  from  Mr.  Campbell, 

MR.  JONES,  of  Pennsylvania  (interrupting).  I  under 
stood  that  the  honorable  gentleman  from  Kentucky  ex 
pressed  the  opinion  that  the  Democratic  party,  standing 


A  LONG  DEBATE  301 

upon  the  same  platform,  with  regard  to  the  question  of 
slavery,  with  the  party  with  which  he  acts,  should  come 
over  and  vote  for  their  candidate.  In  other  words,  he 
can  see  no  obstacle  in  the  way  of  the  Democratic  party 
coming  over  and  voting  for  Mr.  Fuller.  I  will  tell  him 
one  obstacle  in  the  way  of  arriving  at  that  result,  though 
there  are  many.  It  is  this :  No  man  could  have  been 
better  pleased  than  I  was  to  hear  my  colleague  [Mr. 
Fuller]  take  the  ground  which  he  did  yesterday,  because 
it  was  the  first  step  towards  a  sound  political  position. 
But  still  there  is  much  wanting.  If  those  gentlemen 
from  the  South  calling  themselves  the  American  party 
are  willing  to  plant  themselves  upon  the  declaration 
that  they  are  not  in  favor  of  the  restoration  of  the 
Missouri  restriction,  that  is  so  far  good.  But  the 
difficulty  is  still  to  be  overcome.  The  act  of  1854, 
known  as  the  Kansas  and  Nebraska  Act,  is  not  direct 
legislation  at  all.  It  is  merely  a  legislative  declaration 
that  the  acts  of  1850,  commonly  called  the  Com 
promise  Measures,  were  inconsistent  with  the  act 
establishing  the  Missouri  line  of  1820,  and  that,  con 
sequently,  the  said  act  of  1820  was  inoperative  and 
void.  It  did  not  pretend  to  repeal  the  Missouri  restric 
tion,  but  merely  to  declare  it  void,  by  virtue  of  the 
acts  of  1850.  It  is  asserted  that,  by  the  Compromise 
Measures  of  1850,  the  principle  of  non-interference 
with  slavery  in  the  Territories  by  Congress  was  estab 
lished,  and  that  this  principle  must  apply  to  all  Terri 
tories  hereafter  to  be  organized,  as  well  as  to  Kansas 
and  Nebraska. 

My  honorable  colleague  [Mr.  Fuller]  at  first  said  that 
he  was  not  in  favor  of  the  repeal  of  the  Missouri  Com 
promise  at  the  time  it  took  place  ;  he  referred  to  1854— 


302  The  LIFE  of  J.  CLANCY  JONES 

it  took  place  in  1850.  Very  good.  I  was  about  to 
suggest  to  gentlemen  from  the  North  of  the  Know- 
Nothing  party  that  they  might  vote  for  him  on  that 
principle.  He  says  now  that  he  is  not  in  favor  of  the 
restoration  of  that  line,  and  gives  as  a  reason  that  he 
is  against  agitation.  The  Southern  Know-Nothings 
vote  for  him  on  this  principle.  If  he  will  go  still  fur 
ther,  and  say,  as  the  National  Democracy  has  said, 
that  he  is  in  favor  of  applying  the  principle  to  all 
future  unorganized  Territories,  he  will  then  stand  on 
their  platform  on  this  question.  Now,  let  me  call  the 
attention  of  my  honorable  friend  from  Kentucky  to 
the  difficulty  in  his  way  of  voting  for  the  Democratic 
candidate  for  Speaker.  The  only  obstacle  in  the  way, 
as  I  understand  him,  is,  that  our  resolution  is  dis 
respectful. 

MR.  Cox.     Not  at  all. 

MR.  JONES.  I  have  repeatedly  stated  that  it  was 
never  intended  to  be  disrespectful,  and  yet  I  under 
stand  this  was  the  obstacle.  I  will  ask  the  gentleman 
from  Kentucky  a  grave  question.  Do  I  understand 
the  gentleman  to  state  that  he  and  those  who  act  with 
him  are  in  favor  of  the  principles  embodied  in  the 
Democratic  Platform,  and  that  their  only  obstacle  in 
the  way  of  joining  with  the  Democrats  is  the  offence 
which  the  resolution  gives  in  speaking  of  his  party  as 
Know-Nothings  and  the  enemies  of  civil  and  religious 
liberty,  which  they  apply  to  themselves?  Do  those 
resolutions  of  the  Democratic  caucus  embrace  the 
principles  professed  by  Southern  men?  Is  it  because 
the  words  are  offensive,  or  that  it  contains  a  principle 
to  which  they  are  unwilling  to  subscribe,  that  they 
refuse  to  stand  upon  the  platform  with  us  ?  We  regard 


A  LONG  DEBATE  303 

these  two  questions  as  equal  and  alike  in  importance. 
We  consider  it  unconstitutional  to  deprive  any  section 
of  the  country,  or  class  of  individuals,  of  the  rights 
guaranteed  to  them  under  the  Constitution.  We  con 
sider  it  unconstitutional  to  deprive  any  of  our  citizens, 
either  native  or  adopted,  of  any  of  their  rights,  and  of 
that  civil  and  religious  liberty  which  has  been  guaran 
teed  to  them  under  the  Constitution.  One  is  as  much 
a  violation  of  the  Constitution  as  the  other.  These 
are  our  principles,  and  they  are  embodied  in  our  resolu 
tions.  This  I  now  distinctly  say,  and  I  hope  I  shall 
not  be  called  on  for  a  repetition  of  the  statement. 
Democrats  must  be  allowed  to  express  their  senti 
ments,  and  we  do  so  without  intending  offence  to  any 
one.  We  are  in  the  minority,  and  we  ask  that  you 
will  not  deprive  us  of  the  humble  privilege  of  proclaim 
ing  what  it  is  that  we  believe.  The  responsibility  of 
organization  is  with  you.  Our  responsibility  is  to 
stand  or  fall  with  our  principles.  [Applause.] 

MR.  Cox.  The  gentleman  from  Pennsylvania  [Mr. 
Jones]  says  that  his  difficulty  in  voting  with  the 
American  party  is  in  the  fact  that  they  entertain,  as 
he  says,  some  principles  hostile  to  civil  and  religious 
liberty. 

MR.  JONES.  If  the  American  party  does  not  enter 
tain  these  sentiments  of  hostility  to  civil  and  religious 
liberty,  then  the  resolution  does  not  apply  to  them. 

MR.  Cox.  Another  difficulty  with  the  gentleman  is, 
that  he  understands  that  the  Compromise  Measures  of 
1850  and  the  Kansas-Nebraska  Bill  embrace  a  principle 
that  ought  to  be  carried  out  in  the  entire  territorial 
legislation  of  the  country. — Do  I  understand  the 
gentleman  correctly?  If  I  am  correct  in  my  under- 


304  The  LIFE  of  J.  CLANCY  JONES 

standing,  I  would  then  ask  the  gentleman  whether  he 
is  for  repealing  the  restrictive  laws  which  now  have 
force  in  Minnesota,  Oregon,  and  Washington  Terri 
tories  ? 

MR.  JONES.  I  will  answer  my  friend.  I  will  make 
this  preliminary  remark:  I  am  always  prepared  to 
vote  on  a  question  when  it  practically  arises. 

MR.  Cox.     That  is  satisfactory  to  me. 

MR.  JONES.  But  it  is  not  to  me.  I  do  not  want  the 
gentleman  to  go  off  half-cocked  with  that  as  my  answer. 
I  will  tell  the  gentleman  that  while  I  do  not  favor 
ex  post  facto  laws — that  while  I  would  not  be  in  favor 
of  bringing  up  the  question  of  the  reorganization  of 
the  Territories,  at  the  instance  of  any  State  or  of 
Congress,  thereby  disturbing  vested  rights — still,  if  I 
am  called  on  in  this  hall  by  what  I  believe  to  be  the 
voice  of  a  majority  of  the  people  of  Minnesota,  Oregon, 
or  Washington,  to  apply  the  Nebraska  principle  to 
those  Territories,  it  shall  have  my  vote.  Being  satis 
fied  that  the  principle  is  right,  I  say  to  the  gentleman 
that  I  am  willing  to  carry  this  doctrine  out  whenever 
the  question  comes  in  this  manner  practically  before 
us.  I  accompany  this  with  the  remark  that  I  only 
speak  for  myself  in  this  matter. 

MR.  CAMPBELL,  of  Ohio.  I  will  ask  the  gentleman 
from  Pennsylvania  whether  it  is  the  purpose  of  the 
party  he  represents  to  vote  for  a  bill  which  may  be 
introduced  by  some  gentleman  who  claims  the  right 
to  go  into  any  of  the  Territories  with  slaves,  and  which 
has  for  its  object  the  removal  of  the  provision  of  the 
organic  acts  of  the  Territories  which  now  excludes 
them?  Will  he  and  his  party  vote  for  that?  Say  yes 
or  no. 


A  LONG  DEBATE  305 

MR.  JONES.  I  cannot  answer  the  question  yes  or 
no.  I  want  the  gentleman  to  deal  fairly  with  me,  and 
not  to  ask  me  a  question  with  so  long  a  preamble  and 
requiring  so  short  an  answer. 

MR.  CAMPBELL.  I  will  strike  out  the  preamble,  and 
put  the  naked  question.  If  my  friend  from  South 
Carolina  introduces  a  bill  that  a  Southern  man  shall 
have  the  right  to  go  with  his  slaves  into  Minnesota, 
Oregon,  and  Washington,  as  the  right  was  given  last 
session  to  go  into  Kansas  and  Nebraska — if  such  a 
bill  be  introduced  and  it  is  put  to  vote,  will  the  gentle 
man  and  the  party  he  represents  vote  for  it? 

MR.  JONES.  I  will  answer  the  gentleman  if  he  will 
allow  me.  I  am  not  authorized  to  speak  for  the 
Democratic  party.  I  speak  for  myself  and  my  constit 
uents,  and  to  them  I  am  responsible.  The  National 
Democracy  agree  in  organic  or  fundamental  principles ; 
in  all  else,  each  gentleman  can,  without  impeachment, 
exercise  his  own  taste,  or  indulge  his  own  fancy.  I 
am  not  authorized  to  speak  for  the  party  beyond  its 
own  public  declarations,  or  to  say  what  they  will  do, 
but  I  will  tell  the  gentleman  what  I  will  do. 

MR.  Cox.     Well,  tell  me. 

MR.  JONES.  I  take  the  ground  that  the  people  of 
those  Territories,  and  of  all  Territories,  should  have 
absolute  control  over  this  whole  matter  in  framing 
their  State  constitutions,  and  if  they  elect  a  delegate 
to  this  House  on  that  question  who,  in  his  place,  will 
ask  for  it,  I  will  vote  for  it.  [Cries  of  "  That's  right," 
and  "That's  enough."] 

MR.  Cox.     I  want  to  say— 

MR.  JONES.  I  want  to  ask  my  friend  from  Ohio 
[Mr.  Campbell]  whether,  if  the  people  of  the  Territory 

VOL.  1—20 


306  The  LIFE  of  J.  CLANCY  JONES 

of  Minnesota  come  here,  and,  through  their  delegate, 
ask  him  to  allow  them  to  have  the  privilege  of  having 
slavery  or  not,  as  they  please,  whether  he  will  vote 
for  that. 

MR.  CAMPBELL.  No,  never,  so  far  as  I  know,  is  that 
asked  by  any  man  belonging  to  the  party  with  which 
I  act  at  the  South  of  any  man  from  the  North.  But 
gentlemen  seem  desirous  to  know  what  are  our  con 
stitutional  opinions  upon  the  principle  of  the  Kansas 
and  Nebraska  Bill.  The  question  was  asked,  do  we 
recognize  the  doctrine  of  squatter  sovereignty? 

Now,  I  understand  the  doctrine  of  squatter  sover 
eignty,  as  put  forth  by  the  gentleman  from  Kentucky, 
to  be  this:  That  Congress  conferred  upon  the  people 
of  the  Territory  that  sovereignty — that  Congress  gives 
to  the  people  of  the  Territories  the  power  either  to 
admit  or  to  exclude  slavery,  as  they  may  think  proper. 
How  does  the  gentleman  from  Pennsylvania  [Mr. 
Jones]  understand  it? 

MR.  JONES,  of  Pennsylvania.  I  am  exceedingly 
sorry  I  am  not  able  to  make  myself  understood;  I 
assure  the  gentleman  that  it  is  not  from  any  want  of 
desire  or  effort  to  do  so  on  my  part.  I  have  looked 
over  the  printed  remarks  of  the  gentleman  from 
Kentucky,  made  the  other  day  in  connexion  with  my 
own,  and  I  am  there  correctly  made  to  say  that  I 
concur  with  his  construction,  and  do  not  recognize 
Squatter  sovereignty  at  all  as  defined  by  the  gentle 
man  from  Kentucky  [Mr.  Marshall]  when  he  said,  in 
answer  to  my  question,  that  he  did  not  believe  Congress 
had  the  power  to  confer  upon  the  inhabitants  of  a 
Territory  the  right  either  to  abolish  or  establish  slavery 
there  prior  to  the  formation  of  a  State  constitution. 


A  LONG  DEBATE  307 

That  gentleman  understood  me  to  say  that  I  concurred 
with  him  in  that  opinion,  and  so  I  said. 

MR.  Cox.  I  understand  the  gentleman  from  Penn 
sylvania  to  take  the  position  that  Congress  has  no 
power  to  confer  upon  the  people  of  any  Territory  the 
power  either  to  abolish  or  establish  slavery  there,  and 
that  the  people  of  the  Territory  did  not  possess  that 
right  naturally.  I  so  understood  the  gentleman,  and 
for  that  reason  I  asked  him  to  know  if  I  correctly 
understood  him. 

MR.  JONES.  I  so  intended  to  be  understood,  but  the 
gentleman  has  not  gone  far  enough. 

MR.  Cox.  Does  the  gentleman  from  Pennsyl 
vania  believe  that  Congress  has  no  power  to  confer 
upon  the  people  of  a  Territory  the  power  to  establish 
slavery? 

MR.  JONES.  If  the  gentleman  will  allow  me,  I  will 
explain  my  position  fully.  I  will  answer  his  question. 
The  question  put  to  me  the  other  day  by  the  gentle 
man  from  Ohio  [Mr.  Giddings]  was:  Do  you  believe 
Congress  possesses  the  power  to  declare  freedom  in 
Kansas  Territory? 

MR.  GIDDINGS.     I  said  " restore  freedom." 

MR.  JONES.  Very  well :  restore  freedom.  I  answered 
this  question  then,  but  I  will  tell  the  gentleman  again 
exactly  what  I  do  believe.  I  believe  the  whole  power 
of  this  Government  over  a  Territory,  while  it  remains 
in  its  territorial  condition,  grows  out  of  the  proprietary 
right  of  the  Government  as  a  landed  proprietor  under 
the  Constitution;  and  I  believe  that  Congress  has  the 
power  to  confer  upon  the  people  of  a  Territory  the 
right  to  legislate  upon  the  subject  of  slavery  when  they 
are  forming  their  organic  law  preparatory  to  its  ad- 


308  The  LIFE  of  J.  CLANCY  JONES 

mission  into  the  Union  as  a  sovereign  State ;  but, 
prior  to  that  time,  they  have  no  right  either  to  estab 
lish  or  abolish  slavery.  Congress  cannot  confer  it,  for 
want  of  power. 

MR.  Cox.  I  understand  the  gentleman  perfectly, 
so  far  as  that  is  concerned.  Now,  let  me  ask  the  gentle 
man  another  question. 

MR.  JONES.  One  word  more,  if  my  honorable  friend 
from  Kentucky  will  allow  me.  I  believe  the  General 
Government  has  no  power  to  confer  upon  the  people 
of  a  Territory  jurisdiction  upon  the  subject  of  slavery 
as  to  its  establishment  or  abolition  under  the  Consti 
tution,  except  to  be  exercised  in  one  way,  and  that 
way  is  as  I  have  said,  through  their  organic  law,  when 
they  come  and  ask  admission  into  the  Union.  Congress 
has  no  power  over  the  subject,  except  as  a  landed 
proprietor;  and  in  virtue  of  that  power  they  have  no 
right  to  make  general  regulations  touching  the  exist 
ence  of  slavery.  That  is  my  position  upon  the  subject, 
and  I  hope  I  am  now  understood. 

MR.  Cox.  I  understand  the  gentleman  perfectly. 
And  now,  will  the  gentleman  pardon  me  for  asking 
him  another  question?  I  desire  to  know  whether  the 
gentleman  believes  that  the  laws  established  by  the 
Legislature  of  the  Territory  of  Kansas  are,  under  the 
Constitution  of  the  United  States,  null  and  void. 

MR.  JONES.  Certainly,  I  will  answer  the  question, 
and  I  think  what  I  have  already  said  must  make  my 
opinion  evident  upon  that  question.  I  have  said 
already  that,  in  my  opinion,  the  Constitution  limits  the 
power  of  Congress  to  the  extent  of  prohibiting  it  either 
from  establishing  or  abolishing  slavery  in  the  Terri 
tories.  Admitting  that  view  to  be  correct,  I  suppose 


A  LONG  DEBATE  309 

that  it  follows  as  a  matter  of  course  that  the  Constitu 
tion  of  the  United  States  confers  upon  the  people  of 
the  Territory  no  right  to  dispossess  any  man  of  his 
property,  whether  it  be  slave  or  any  other  property, 
and,  therefore,  the  Legislative  Council  of  a  Territory, 
though  they  may  pass  laws  regulating  the  disposal  and 
protection  of  property,  have  no  right  so  to  enact  or 
administer  laws  as  either  to  establish  or  abolish  the 
right  to  hold  that  property,  whether  slave  or  not. 
The  Constitution  recognizes  slaves  as  property,  and  a 
sovereign  State  alone  can  divest  it. 

MR.  Cox.  I  understand  the  gentleman,  then,  as 
saying  that  the  laws  of  Kansas,  so  far  as  the  establish 
ment  of  the  right  to  property  in  slaves  is  concerned,  he 
asserts  as  a  statesman  and  a  lawyer  are  void.  So  far 
as  merely  making  rules  and  regulations  for  the  govern 
ment  of  that  property  is  concerned,  they  have  the  right 
to  make  laws,  but  not  to  establish  the  right  of  owner 
ship  to  such  property. 

I  understand  the  gentleman,  however,  to  say  that 
by  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States,  Congress 
having  no  power  over  the  subject  of  defining  what  is 
and  what  is  not  property,  if  a  slaveholder  goes  to  the 
Territory  of  Kansas  with  his  slaves,  he  still  holds  it  as 
property,  and  may  claim  the  right  of  protection  in 
that  property. 

MR.  JONES.  Undoubtedly.  The  Government  recog 
nizes  as  property  what  it  finds  there  as  such,  recognized 
under  the  Constitution,  having  no  power  to  say 
whether  it  is  or  is  not  property.  I  think  my  friend 
from  Kentucky  agrees  with  me  there. 

MR.  Cox.     Certainly  I  do. 

MR.  JONES.     Then  he  is  sound  thus  far.     I  was 


310  The  LIFE  of  J.  CLANCY  JONES 

apprehensive    yesterday    that    he    was    not    perfectly 
sound  upon  that  question. 

•H--***-*-*-** 

MR.  JONES,  of  Pennsylvania.  I  confess  I  felt  a 
little  at  a  loss  to  understand  how  my  honorable  friend 
from  Kentucky  could  decline  to  yield  the  floor  to  me, 
and  then  almost  immediately  afterwards  yield  it  to 
a  gentleman  who  belonged  to  a  party  different  from 
that  to  which  I  belong. 

I  wish  to  remark  that  I  do  not  altogether  fancy  this 
mode  of  catechising.  I  have  very  cheerfully  answered 
every  question  that  has  been  propounded  to  me,  and 
I  have  no  objection  to  continue  to  do  so  as  long  as 
gentlemen  conduct  it  fairly.  But  if  it  is  the  desire  of 
gentlemen  who  wish  to  interrogate  me — as  my  friend 
from  Ohio  did,  and  as  the  gentleman  from  Kentucky 
seemed  disposed  to  do — with  categorical  questions, 
demanding  categorical  answers,  yes  or  no,  to  proceed 
by  framing  questions  in  his  own  language  and  calling 
on  me  to  answer  yes  or  no,  and  send  them  out  to  the 
country  as  my  opinions,  without  allowing  me  a  moment 
to  define  my  position,  I  shall,  and  upon  that  ground, 
decline  hereafter  to  answer  any  further  questions  that 
may -be  addressed  to  me  on  such  conditions.  I  have 
thus  far  answered  every  question,  and  have  no  objec 
tion  still  to  do  so;  but  I  wish  to  say  to  gentlemen 
upon  the  other  side  of  the  House,  if  I  am  further  called 
upon,  I  shall  take  the  liberty,  at  some  proper  time,  to 
occupy  the  floor  of  the  House  in  the  discussion  of  these 
questions,  and  to  make  myself  understood  before  the 
country.  Now,  the  gentleman  from  Kentucky  asks 
me  a  question,  and  the  gentleman  from  Ohio  arises 
and  makes  some  nice  distinctions;  he  states  that  the 


A  LONG  DEBATE  311 

construction  put  upon  the  Kansas-Nebraska  Bill  in 
his  State  was  different  from  the  construction  which  I 
put  upon  it.  Now,  I  ask  my  friend  from  Ohio  if  he 
cannot  find  half  a  dozen  constructions  put  upon  the 
term  "squatter  sovereignty"?  There  are  various 
opinions  as  to  the  meaning  of  this  term  " squatter;" 
let  him  define  the  meaning  of  the  term  "sovereignty." 
The  word  "sovereignty"  might  afford  a  text  for  a 
speech  of  an  hour  and  a  half,  and  yet  leave  it  unex 
hausted. 

But  my  friend  over  the  way  said  that  my  constitu 
ents  took  the  position  that  the  people  of  the  Territory 
of  Kansas  had  no  power  over  the  slavery  question. 
I  did  not  say  any  such  thing.  If  I  were  upon  the  stump 
in  my  district,  I  should  say  to  my  constituents  that 
this  squatter  sovereignty  principle,  as  applied  to 
Kansas  and  Nebraska  by  the  Nebraska  Bill,  does 
give  or  recognize  the  power  in  the  inhabitants  of  that 
Territory  to  abolish  or  to  establish  slavery ;  but  it  can 
only  be  done  in  one  way.  And  I  say  that  the  people  of 
Kansas  may,  to-morrow,  if  they  wish,  establish  slavery 
or  abolish  it,  by  calling  a  convention  of  its  people  to 
form  a  State  constitution  and  apply  for  admission 
into  the  Union,  and  if  they  are  entitled  to  admission, 
having  complied  with  the  requisites  of  the  Constitu 
tion,  they  will  be  admitted.  They  have  it  in  their 
power  at  any  time  to  take  such  a  step. 

Another  remark:  I  was  going  to  say  to  my  friend 
from  Ohio  [Mr.  Giddings]  while  he  was  in  great  tribula 
tion  yesterday  about  the  dissolution  of  the  Union,  that 
I  know  of  only  one  remedy  for  it.  If  his  friends  will 
join  with  the  Democratic  party  in  executing  in  good 
faith  the  Kansas-Nebraska  Bill,  you  will  not  hear 


312  The  LIFE  of  J.  CLANCY  JONES 

another  word  about  the  dissolution  of  the  Union  for 
the  next  ten  years.  Using  the  words  "  popular  sover 
eignty"  in  that  sense,  and  being  sincere,  what  could 
better  effect  the  constitutional  abolition  of  slavery  in 
the  different  States  and  Territories  than  by  leaving  it 
to  the  people  in  framing  their  constitution?  If  it  be 
the  will  of  the  people  of  Kentucky  to  abolish  slavery, 
who  doubts  their  power  to  do  it?  Does  any  man  say 
that  the  principle  is  a  limitation  of  the  extent  of  free 
dom?  If  the  people  of  Kansas  want  to  abolish  slavery, 
what  is  to  prevent  them,  when  they  have  a  sufficient 
number  of  inhabitants,  from  calling  a  convention  to 
form  a  State  constitution,  and,  in  that  constitution, 
prohibiting  slavery?  Will  my  friend  from  Ohio  say 
that  this  is  not  the  most  effective  way  of  abolishing 
slavery,  if  it  be  the  wish  of  the  majority  of  the  people 
constitutionally  expressed,  to  abolish  it?  If  it  is  not 
their  wish,  let  them  have  it;  it  is  their  concern,  not 
ours,  and  this  is  what  I  call  restoring  freedom  to  Kansas. 

I  repeat  that  I  do  not  deny  the  power  to  establish 
or  abolish  slavery  in  Kansas  or  any  other  Territory. 
I  only  say  there  is  but  one  legitimate  mode  of  doing  it, 
and,  until  the  people  are  prepared  to  form  a  State 
constitution,  they  cannot  touch  the  subject  with  a 
view  to  abolish  or  establish.  When  they  wish  to  dis 
pose  of  this  knotty  question,  all  they  have  to  do  is  to 
unite  in  calling  a  convention  to  form  a  constitution, 
and  thereby  abolish  it  or  establish  it,  as  the  will  of  the 
majority  may  direct.  In  one  word,  I  am  for  leaving 
it  to  the  people  to  decide  for  themselves ;  others  wish 
that  we  should  decide  for  them.  I  am  against  that. 

I  remark  again,  for  the  reasons  already  assigned,  I 
shall  take  occasion  to  occupy  the  time  of  the  House  at 


A  LONG  DEBATE  313 

a  convenient  period  in  a  speech  in  order  to  do  that 
justice  to  the  subject  which  I  cannot  do  while  being 
catechised  in  the  way  gentlemen  make  replies  for  them 
selves  here  and  send  out  those  replies  to  the  country 
as  mine.  I  therefore  state,  if  any  gentleman  shall 
think  it  worth  while  to  ask  me  questions,  I  shall  decline 
to  answer  them  at  the  time,  unless  on  the  condition 
that  I  have  the  floor  assigned  me  to  reply  at  length. 
I  do  not  speak  for  my  party  by  authority,  some 
understanding  the  question  of  the  power  of  the  people 
over  slavery  in  the  Territories  one  way,  and  some 
another;  for  it  is  a  difficult  question,  and  the  law  is 
silent  on  it.  Gentlemen  know  my  views  upon  the 
subject.  If  there  is  any  difficulty  as  to  the  right  of 
slaveholders,  or  any  other  persons,  as  to  rights  in  that 
Territory,  it  is  a  fair  and  legitimate  question  to  bring 
before  the  Supreme  Court  of  the  United  States,  which 
has  jurisdiction  under  the  Constitution  to  settle  it. 
All  know  it  is  not  a  very  extraordinary  thing  for 
lawyers  to  differ  about  the  law  until  it  is  settled  by 
the  Legislature  or  the  Judiciary. 


CHAPTER  XVII. 

Mr.  Jones'  firm,  stand  against  the  assaults  upon  the  constitutional 
rights  of  the  South — His  broad  statesmanship — The  last  effort 
to  save  the  Union — Anxiety  of  the  administration — Refusal  of 
Congress  to  recognize  the  revolutionary  government  in  Kansas — 
Assault  upon  Charles  Sumner — Extent  of  the  jurisdiction  of 
the  Court  of  Claims — Mr.  Jones'  interpretation  of  the  act 
endorsed  by  the  House — Mr.  John  Crampton,  British  Minister 
at  Washington. 

THE  members  of  Congress  who  took  part  in 
this  running  debate  with  Mr.  Jones,  recited 
in  the  last  chapter,  were:  Percy  Walker 
of  Mobile,  Alabama,  who  was  not  returned  to  the 
next  Congress;  James  H.  Campbell  of  Pennsyl 
vania;  Joshua  R.  Giddings  of  Ohio,  who  was  one 
of  the  early  leaders  of  the  anti-slavery  party; 
Elihu  B.  Washburne  of  Illinois,  who  was  afterwards 
Secretary  of  State,  and  Minister  to  France  during 
the  siege  of  Paris  by  the  Germans;  Lawrence  M. 
Keitt  of  South  Carolina;  Galusha  A.  Grow  of 
Pennsylvania,,  afterwards  Speaker  of  the  House 
of  Representatives;  John  Letcher  of  Virginia, 
afterwards  Governor  of  that  State;  Humphrey 
Marshall  of  Kentucky,  a  graduate  of  West  Point, 
who  was  afterwards  a  general  in  the  Confederate 
army;  Benjamin  Stanton  of  Ohio,  and  Lewis  D. 
Campbell  of  the  same  State,  who  received  much 
the  largest  vote  for  Speaker  in  the  ranks  of  the 
opposition,  and  became  chairman  of  the  Committee 

314 


SOUND  STATESMANSHIP  315 

of  Ways  and  Means.  They  were  all  lawyers  of 
distinction.  Other  members  of  the  House,  whose 
political  views  were  so  vague  and  unsettled  that 
they  scarcely  admitted  of  definition,  prudently 
kept  out  of  this  debate. 

Mr.  Jones  discussed  upon  this  occasion  the  most 
important  questions  that  then  affected  the  welfare 
of  the  country  in  the  highest  national  forum,  and 
acquitted  himself  with  the  highest  distinction. 
The  crisis  was  one  which  demanded  the  highest 
order  of  ability  and  the  best  qualities  of  states 
manship.  The  best  men  of  the  country,  repre 
senting  every  shade  of  political  opinion,  were  his 
antagonists  in  this  debate,  and  he  was  the  peer 
of  them  all.  It  attracted  to  him  the  attention 
of  the  whole  country,  and  his  reputation  as  a 
statesman  became  national. 

The  people  of  the  South  were  beginning  to  feel 
that  they  must  look  to  the  Democratic  statesmen 
of  the  North  for  the  protection  of  the  rights  secured 
to  them  by  the  Constitution  and  the  laws  passed 
in  pursuance  thereof.  None  of  these  enjoyed  a 
larger  share  of  their  confidence  than  Mr.  Jones. 
He  was  a  broad-minded  statesman  to  whom  such 
an  appeal  could  not  be  made  in  vain.  Familiar 
as  he  was  with  the  history  and  traditions  of  the 
country,  the  compromises  and  concessions  that 
had  been  frankly  and  mutually  made  and  entered 
into  by  the  fathers,  in  good  faith,  in  order  that 
the  Union  might  be  established  and  that  all  alike 
might  partake  of  its  advantages,  protection,  and 


316  The  LIFE  of  J.  CLANCY  JONES 

blessings,  he  was  the  last  man  to  sanction  a  viola 
tion  of  the  good  faith  upon  which  those  compro 
mises  and  concessions  had  been  made,  by  an  attack 
by  one  section  of  the  country  upon  another,  or 
to  permit,  so  far  as  it  lay  in  his  power  to  prevent 
it,  the  success  of  any  movement  that  was  calcu 
lated  to  put  the  existence  of  the  Union  in  peril. 
When  the  Abolitionists  of  the  North  began  their  as 
saults  upon  the  domestic  institutions  of  the  South, 
he  placed  himself  squarely  in  the  position  of  hos 
tility  to  those  assaults.  He  took  a  firm  and  able 
stand  for  the  faithful  execution  of  all  laws  for 
the  protection  of  all  property  recognized  by  the 
Constitution,  no  matter  what  its  character  might 
be,  or  where  it  was  to  be  found,  and  he  maintained 
this  position  in  fearless  disregard  of  those  who 
purposely,  or  in  the  heat  of  political  controversy, 
misconstrued  his  motives  and  attributed  to  him 
an  advocacy  of  the  institution  of  slavery.  There 
was  no  alternative  for  a  broad-minded  statesman 
who  recognized  the  binding  force  of  the  Constitu 
tion  of  the  United  States  and  the  laws  of  the  land 
but  to  vigorously  oppose  the  assaults  of  the  anti- 
slavery  agitators  of  the  North,  who  were  becom 
ing  very  aggressive.  It  was  a  public  obligation 
which  the  oath  of  office  of  every  public  man 
imposed  upon  him.  It  was  a  question  whether 
they  were  to  be  moved  by  sentiment  or  misrepre 
sentation  or  abuse,  or  by  a  sound,  statesmanlike 
sense  of  duty.  Those  who  had  the  courage  to  do 
their  duty,  regardless  of  consequences,  among 


COMPROMISES  of  the  CONSTITUTION      317 

whom  was  Mr.  Jones,  were  violently  assailed  and 
abused,  called  "dough-faces,"  and  accused  of  up 
holding  the  institution  of  slavery  and  currying 
favor  with  the  political  power  of  the  South. 

Notwithstanding  these  unmerited  assaults,  and 
regardless  of  all  forms  of  misrepresentation,  Mr. 
Jones'  whole  public  life  was  consistently  and  cou 
rageously  spent  along  the  lines  of  a  sound  and 
conservative  statesmanship.  The  compact  into 
which  all  the  Colonies  had  entered  (which  we  know 
under  the  name  of  the  Constitution  of  the  United 
States)  for  the  purpose  of  establishing  a  national 
government  for  their  common  protection  was 
necessarily  one  of  compromises.  The  Constitu 
tion  was  not  formed  without  a  struggle.  It  was 
a  compact  between  sovereign  States,  each  one  of 
which  had  delegated  some  of  its  sovereign  preroga 
tives.  These  sovereign  States  were  widely  dif 
ferent  from  each  other  in  their  origin,  customs, 
predilections,  and  domestic  habits.  Without  con 
cession  and  compromise  the  compact  would  have 
been  impossible.  There  was  no  national  senti 
ment;  the  feeling  was  against  it.  There  were 
mutual  antipathies  and  clashing  interests  which 
hindered  rather  than  promoted  the  prospects  of 
a  national  Union.  Yet  those  compromises  were 
so  well  and  wisely  adjusted  that  the  compact  had 
withstood  the  test  and  strain  of  over  half  a  cen 
tury  of  practical  administration  of  its  provisions. 
Under  them  the  country  had  advanced  to  an 
unexampled  position  of  power  and  prosperity. 


318  The  LIFE  of  J.  CLANCY  JONES 

It  was  the  part  of  a  statesman  to  understand 
a  people  thus  diversified  in  their  tastes,  their 
interests,  their  habits,  and  their  inclinations, 
dwelling  as  they  did  under  the  most  varied  con 
ditions  of  soil  and  climate — to  experience  the  spirit 
of  the  compromises  and  concessions  that  had 
brought  these  dissimilar  people  together  into 
union  with  each  other,  and  to  do  what  he  could 
to  keep  them  together,  for  their  common  good, 
under  the  solemn  compact  into  which  they  had 
all  entered.  It  was  equally  his  duty  to  resist 
vigorously  all  revolutionary  assaults,  coming  from 
what  source  they  might,  upon  the  guarantees  and 
compromises  of  that  compact,  which  were  in  the 
nature  of  a  violent  revolt  against  the  authority 
of  that  sacred  instrument,  and  in  violation  of  the 
good  faith  which  had  been  pledged  to  each  of  the 
States  by  the  others  when  the  compact  was  formed. 
Whether  slavery  was  right  or  wrong  was  not  the 
question.  It  was  recognized  and  protected  by  the 
Constitution  as  effectually  as  anything  else  that 
came  within  its  provisions.  The  fanatics  of  the 
North  were  sowing  the  wind  when  they  assailed 
the  guaranteed  rights  and  property  of  the  South, 
and  soon  after  they  reaped  the  whirlwind.  The 
quarrel  which  they  in  bad  faith  began  culminated 
ultimately  in  the  disruption  of  the  Union  the 
fathers  had  so  anxiously  formed,  and  in  the  dread 
ful  calamity  of  civil  war. 

The  statesmen  who  thus  placed  themselves 
squarely  upon  the  defence  of  the  Constitution 


DEFENCE  of  the  UNION  319 

revered  that  instrument.  They  saw  in  it,  its  com 
promises  and  its  guarantees,  its  exquisite  balance 
of  social  forces,  the  source  of  all  the  wealth,  the 
prosperity,  and  the  greatness  of  the  nation — its 
growth  and  development.  To  attack  it  as  the 
Abolitionists  were  attacking  it  seemed  to  them 
little  short  of  a  crime.  To  tamper  with  it  seemed 
to  them  a  most  dangerous  proceeding.  They  felt 
like  Burke  when  he  exclaimed  in  the  House  of 
Commons,  while  advocating  the  repeal  of  the  Stamp 
Act,  that  "the  equilibrium  of  the  Constitution 
had  something  so  delicate  about  it  that  the  least 
displacement  might  destroy  it. " 

The  struggle  through  which  these  men  were 
then  passing  was  almost  the  last  struggle  to  save 
the  Union  by  the  peaceful  methods  of  the  Consti 
tution,  against  the  efforts  of  those  who  were  deter 
mined  to  destroy  the  constitutional  rights  of  the 
people  of  a  large  section  of  the  country,  and  whose 
acts  were  a  deliberate  invasion  of  the  unquestioned 
rights  of  the  South,  guaranteed  to  them  by  the 
Constitution.  Mr.  Jones'  course  was  approved 
by  the  country  in  the  election  of  Mr.  Buchanan 
in  the  following  November,  by  a  majority  over 
Fremont,  the  candidate  of  those  who  opposed  his 
policy,  of  60  in  the  electoral  college,  and  497,125 
of  the  popular  vote;  by  the  endorsement  of  five 
Northern  States,  having  62  electoral  votes,  and 
all  the  Southern  States  but  one.  A  few  years 
later  when  the  settlement  of  those  issues  was 
referred  to  the  dreadful  ordeal  of  civil  war,  the 


320  The  LIFE  of  J.  CLANCY  JONES 

minds  of  the  people  were  not  in  a  condition  to 
consider  calmly  and  dispassionately  the  motives 
of  the  statesmen  whose  duty  it  was  to  make  every 
effort  to  save  the  Union  by  peaceable  means,  under 
the  guarantees  of  the  Constitution.  Force  had 
taken  the  place  of  justice.  Excitement  and  ven 
geance  had  taken  the  place  of  wisdom,  and  the 
public  judgment  has  not  done  justice  to  those 
brave  and  conscientious  statesmen  who,  following 
the  example  of  Clay,  Webster,  Calhoun,  and  the 
greatest  statesmen  the  country  has  known  in  the 
more  recent  struggles  of  its  history,  did  all  they 
could  to  enforce  the  principles  of  the  Constitu 
tion  as  it  had  been  framed  by  the  fathers  of  the 
Republic,  and  thereby  avoid  the  dreadful  ordeal 
which  followed  the  sentimental  and  unconstitu 
tional  methods  of  the  opponents  of  slavery.  That 
institution  had  been  introduced  into  the  country 
by  the  commercial  ancestors  of  the  very  people 
who  became  its  most  violent  antagonists.  It  sur 
vived  in  those  sections  of  the  country  where  it  was 
profitable.  The  framers  of  the  Constitution,  the 
fathers  of  the  Republic,  found  it  firmly  established 
as  one  of  the  most  important  social  institutions  of 
the  country,  and  they  recognized  it  and  protected 
the  rights  of  those  who  were  interested  in  it  by 
every  guarantee  they  thought  was  necessary.  It 
was  the  duty  of  the  statesmen  of  more  recent  days, 
when  the  occasion  demanded,  to  do  everything 
in  their  power  to  enforce  the  compacts  which  the 
fathers  of  the  Republic  had  made.  This  such  men 


The  CIVIL  WAR  321 

as  J.  Glancy  Jones  did  upon  the  broadest  lines, 
when  they  found  themselves  confronted  with 
that  responsibility,  and  for  it  they  have  not  re 
ceived  the  just  recognition  and  reward  which  their 
efforts  deserved.  The  results  of  the  Civil  War 
changed  the  whole  phase  of  American  politics. 
The  old  order  of  things  had  been  swept  away. 
What  were  open  questions  before  were  finally 
settled  by  the  arbitrament  of  the  sword.  New 
men  and  new  policies  came  into  power.  The 
views  of  the  people  were  colored,  if  not  entirely 
controlled,  by  the  attitude  the  Southern  States 
had  taken  in  that  war,  and  for  a  long  time  it  was 
next  to  impossible  to  get  a  large  part  of  the  North 
ern  people  to  do  justice  to  the  Northern  states 
men  who  had  done  their  duty  in  the  exigencies 
of  the  period  which  immediately  preceded  the 
Civil  War. 

Fortunately  time  has  moderated  the  asperities 
of  that  terrible  period.  It  has  healed  the  wounds 
and  blotted  out  the  bitter  thoughts  of  those  excit 
ing  days.  Those  who  were  then  spoken  of  con 
temptuously  as  "Yankees"  and  " rebels"  are  now 
referred  to  in  the  softer  terms  of  the  "blue"  and 
the  "  gray."  The  time  has  come  when  the  histori 
cal  events  that  immediately  preceded  the  Civil 
War  may  be  considered  dispassionately  and  with 
justice  to  the  fame  of  the  men  who  took  part  in 
them. 

The  anxiety  of  the  administration  over  the  dis 
turbed  condition  of  the  country  caused  by  the 

VOL.  1—21 


322  The  LIFE  of  J.  CLANCY  JONES 

adoption  of  the  Kansas-Nebraska  Bill  was  very 
great.  Mr.  Jones,  as  the  leader  of  the  House,  was 
frequently  summoned  to  the  White  House  by  the 
President  for  conference  upon  these  vexed  ques 
tions,  by  the  receipt  of  notes  like  the  following: 

WASHINGTON,  Saturday  evening, 

December  20,  1855. 
MY  DEAR  SIR: 

Will  you  do  me  the  favor  to  call  at  my  office  on 
Monday  morning  at  half  after  eleven  o'clock. 
Yours  very  truly, 

FRANKLIN  PIERCE. 
HON.  J.  GLANCY  JONES. 

WASHINGTON,  December  25,  1855. 
MY  DEAR  SIR: 

Can  you  without  inconvenience  call  at  my  office  for 
a  few  moments  any  time  before  half  past  three  o'clock 
this  afternoon. 

Truly  your  friend, 

FRANKLIN  PIERCE. 
HON.  J.  GLANCY  JONES. 

Much  time  was  consumed  in  this  Congress  by  a 
renewal  of  the  discussion  of  the  Kansas- Nebraska 
question.  The  debate  was  exciting  and  protracted, 
and  continued  throughout  the  entire  Congress. 
At  a  regular  election  after  the  Territory  of  Kansas 
was  lawfully  organized,  John  W.  Whitfield  was 
elected  a  delegate  to  represent  it  in  Congress.  At 


The  ASSAULT  on  SUMNER  323 

an  election  held  later  by  the  revolutionary  anti- 
slavery  party,  Andrew  H.  Reeder  was  elected  a 
delegate  to  Congress,  and  he  contested  the  seat 
of  Mr.  Whitfield.  The  Committee  on  Elections 
of  the  House  of  Representatives,  in  which  the 
Democrats  were  in  the  minority,  reported  that 
Mr.  Whitfield  was  not  entitled  to  his  seat;  but  he 
sat  as  the  delegate  from  Kansas  during  the  entire 
Congress,  and  the  report  of  the  Committee  on 
Elections  was  laid  on  the  table  by  a  vote  of  96  to 
85,  on  February  21,  1857,  a  few  days  before  that 
Congress  came  to  an  end. 

Bills  were  introduced  into  Congress  for  the  ad 
mission  of  Kansas  as  a  State  under  the  Topeka 
Constitution,  but  Congress  refused  to  admit  her 
under  that  constitution;  refused  to  recognize  the 
convention  which  framed  it,  but  recognized  the 
regular  territorial  government  which  had  been 
organized  under  the  act  of  May  30,  1854. 

An  example  of  the  bitterness  of  feeling  upon 
the  slavery  question  during  this  Congress  was  fur 
nished  by  the  assault  of  Preston  S.  Brooks  of 
South  Carolina  upon  Senator  Charles  Sumner  of 
Massachusetts  during  the  first  session.  Mr.  Sum 
ner  had  used  very  offensive  language  in  speaking 
of  Senator  Butler  of  South  Carolina,  a  near  relative 
of  Mr.  Brooks,  in  a  speech  he  had  made  a  day  or 
two  before  the  assault,  upon  the  bill  to  authorize 
the  people  of  Kansas  to  form  a  State  government. 
He  had  also  been  very  abusive  in  speaking  of  the 
State  of  South  Carolina.  Mr.  Sumner  was  sitting 


324  The  LIFE  of  J.  CLANCY  JONES 

at  his  desk  in  the  Senate  Chamber  after  the  ad 
journment  of  the  Senate,  when  Mr.  Brooks  ap 
proached  him  and  struck  him  violently  upon  the 
head  with  a  cane.  The  incident  gave  rise  to  much 
debate  in  both  branches  of  Congress.  The  Senate, 
having  no  jurisdiction  over  Mr.  Brooks,  referred 
the  matter  to  the  House  of  Representatives, 
where  the  committee  appointed  to  make  an  inves 
tigation  reported  in  favor  of  his  expulsion  from 
the  House ;  but  this  the  House  refused  to  do,  by  a 
vote  of  121  to  95,  less  than  a  two-thirds  vote  in 
the  affirmative.  Mr.  Brooks  subsequently  resigned 
his  seat,  was  reelected,  and  resumed  his  seat  as  a 
member  of  the  House  before  the  end  of  the  session. 
He  died  at  Washington,  January  27,  1857. 

The  extent  of  the  jurisdiction  conferred  upon 
the  Court  of  Claims  by  the  bill  passed  by  the  last 
Congress  creating  that  Court  was  an  important 
question  which  was  raised  and  disposed  of  at  this 
session.  When  reports  were  made  to  Congress 
from  the  Court  of  Claims,  as  provided  by  the  act, 
a  motion  was  made  in  the  House  to  place  them  on 
the  Private  Calendar  and  refer  them  to  the  Com 
mittee  of  the  Whole  House.  Mr.  Jones,  who  had 
charge  of  the  bill  when  it  passed  the  House,  took 
a  decided  stand  against  this  reference,  and  insisted 
that  these  reports  should  be  referred  to  the  Com 
mittee  on  Claims.  He  admitted  that  at  the  time 
the  bill  passed,  a  large  number  of  its  advocates 
favored  giving  to  the  Court  power  to  enter  final 
judgment,  but  he  had  opposed  that  at  the  time, 


The  COURT  of  CLAIMS  325 

and  it  was  only  upon  the  construction  he  had 
given  to  the  bill  that  it  had  been  possible  for  him 
to  secure  its  passage  through  the  House.  Now 
he  objected  to  a  different  construction,  which  gave 
practically  final  effect  to  the  judgment  of  the 
Court,  by  placing  its  reports  upon  the  Private 
Calendar,  and  referring  them  to  the  Committee 
of  the  Whole,  where  they  could  not  receive  the 
careful  and  thorough  investigation  they  would 
receive  if  referred  to  the  standing  Committee  on 
Claims.  The  object  in  creating  the  Court,  he  con 
tended,  was  only  to  relieve  that  Committee,  and 
give  it  the  benefit  of  a  careful  and  thorough  inves 
tigation  of  the  law  and  the  facts  bearing  upon 
each  claim,  by  a  competent  tribunal;  the  jurisdic 
tion  of  the  Court  of  Claims  was  not  to  extend 
beyond  that.  It  was  not  intended  to  change  the 
old  practice  of  making  a  thorough  examination 
and  report  upon  the  merits  of  each  case  by  the 
Committee  on  Claims.  In  no  sense  was  it  intended 
that  the  action  of  the  Court  of  Claims  should  par 
take  of  the  nature  of  a  final  judgment,  either  in 
law  or  fact.  The  work  of  the  Court  of  Claims  was 
only  intended  for  the  guidance  and  information 
of  the  Committee  on  Claims.  The  Court  was  only 
intended  to  be  auxiliary  to  Congress,  through  the 
regular  medium  of  its  standing  committee.  An 
attempt  was  now  made  to  give  practically,  by 
construction,  final  jurisdiction  to  the  Court  of 
Claims  by  referring  its  reports  to  the  Committee 
of  the  Whole,  a  power  which  Congress  had  never 


326  The  LIFE  of  J.  CLANCY  JONES 

intended  to  give.  This  Mr.  Jones  vigorously 
opposed.  He  would  never  consent  to  surrender 
this  important  prerogative  of  the  Government. 

Another  motion  has  been  made  [Mr.  Jones  continued] 
to  refer  the  report  of  the  Court  to  the  Committee  on 
the  Judiciary.  Why?  Is  it  the  object  of  the  gentleman 
who  made  the  motion  to  avoid  an  investigation  or  an 
examination  of  it  by  the  Committee  on  Claims?  Do 
gentlemen  desire,  by  referring  it  to  the  Committee  on 
the  Judiciary,  to  make  it  a  judicial  question  of  para 
mount  importance  to  legislative  inquiry,  and  to  make 
the  decision  of  the  Court  binding  and  final?  If  they 
do,  let  them  refer  it  to  the  Committee  on  Ways  and 
Means  at  once,  for  they  have  no  jurisdiction,  on  this 
construction,  but  to  report  a  bill  to  pay  the  money. 
If  it  goes  to  the  Committee  on  the  Judiciary,  the  simple 
question  is  as  to  its  consistency  with  the  Constitution 
of  the  United  States  and  the  laws  of  the  land.  If  it  is 
sent  to  the  Committee  on  Claims,  they  will  go  behind 
the  record  to  ascertain  whether  the  principles  upon 
which  the  decisions  were  made  are  sound,  constitu=- 
tional,  legal,  and  in  strict  conformity  with  the  settled 
principles  and  policy  of  the  Government  in  the  liqui 
dation  of  claims  against  it. 

I  do  not  propose,  Mr.  Speaker,  to  say  anything  more. 
I  merely  designed  to  explain  this  matter,  and  to  ask 
for  the  deliberate  judgment  of  the  House  upon  it.  I 
say  to  the  House  that  this  is  the  beginning.  Whatever 
direction  you  give  these  reports  now  will  be  given  to 
all  similar  reports  hereafter.  The  question  will  not 
arise  again.  Being  a  member  of  the  Committee  on 
Claims,  I  wish  it  to  be  distinctly  understood  that  I, 


The  COURT  of  CLAIMS  327 

for  one,  do  not  covet  the  labor.  I  am  influenced  by 
no  desire  of  that  kind.  If  the  House  only  intelligently 
examines  the  question  and  exercises  its  judgment 
upon  it,  I  shall  cheerfully  submit  to  any  direction  they 
may  choose  to  give,  but  I  wish  the  House  to  look  at 
it  and  weigh  it. 

I  will  answer  my  friend  from  Georgia  [Mr.  Warner] 
with  great  pleasure,  because  I  know  that  he  will  under 
stand  the  distinction  which  I  shall  make.  The  very 
question  to  which  he  refers  was  under  debate  when 
the  bill  passed.  No  gentleman  knows  better  than  he 
does  the  distinction  between  the  reports  of  masters  in 
chancery  and  the  chancellor's  decree.  It  was  distinctly 
understood  when  the  act  was  passed  that  the  Court 
was  not  to  settle  the  law,  but  to  furnish  us  with  the 
law;  not  to  settle  the  facts,  but  to  give  us  the  facts. 
Sir,  I  never  for  a  moment  will  recognize  the  adjudica 
tion  of  any  court,  or  of  any  committee,  as  binding  on 
me  as  a  member  of  this  House.  I  have  not  only  a 
right  under  the  Constitution,  but  I  am  under  an 
obligation  not  to  take  any  decision  as  binding  on  me 
as  a  member  of  this  House.  My  duty  is  to  go  back 
behind  the  record  and  the  decisions  even  of  the  highest 
court  in  the  land,  to  settle  by  my  own  judgment,  as 
the  true  exponent  of  the  power  of  the  people.  I  want 
to  state  to  my  friend  from  Georgia  that  he  is  mistaken 
in  the  facts.  I  stated  in  the  beginning  of  the  debate 
that  I  believed  that  the  bill  never  would  have  got  a 
majority  in  the  House  on  the  construction  which  the 
gentleman  from  Georgia  now  proposes  to  give  it.  I 
stated  then  distinctly  that,  in  our  committee,  the  bill 
was  in  a  minority  of  at  least  two;  and  I  could  easily 
point  to  gentlemen  here  who  voted  for  it,  but  who 


328  The  LIFE  of  J.  CLANCY  JONES 

never  would  have  voted  for  it  if  it  were  to  be  construed 
as  the  gentleman  from  Georgia  construes  it.  It  was 
not  intended  by  the  bill  that  the  Court  should  settle 
the  law  or  conclude  the  questions  before  it,  but  that 
it  should  investigate  the  law  and  the  facts,  and  report 
to  the  House  the  reasons  for  its  action. 

The  House  sustained  Mr.  Jones  by  refusing  to 
refer  the  reports  of  the  Court  of  Claims  to  the 
Committee  of  the  Whole  by  a  vote  of  78  to  62, 
and  referred  them  to  the  Committee  on  Claims. 

An  event  of  international  importance  which 
occurred  during  the  first  session  of  this  Congress 
was  the  suspension  of  diplomatic  relations  with 
Mr.  John  F.  Crampton,  the  British  Minister  at 
Washington.  It  was  claimed  that  he  was  impli 
cated  in  the  clandestine  enlistment  of  troops  in 
this  country  for  the  British  army  in  the  Crimea, 
and  in  sending  them  to  Halifax.  Mr.  Marcy  repre 
sented  to  Lord  Clarendon  that  the  presence  of 
Mr.  Crampton  in  this  country  was  no  longer  ac 
ceptable  to  this  Government,  and  requested  his 
recall.  This  not  having  been  promptly  done,  Mr. 
Crampton  was  handed  his  passports.  The  Lega 
tion  remained  vacant  for  some  time  before  the 
British  Government  sent  a  Minister  to  take  the 
place  of  Mr.  Crampton,  as  that  Government  took 
the  position  that  Mr.  Crampton  had  done  nothing 
which  justified  his  recall. 


CHAPTER  XVIII. 

Mr.  Buchanan  and  the  Presidency — Speech  of  Mr.  Jones  in  his 
defence  in  the  House  of  Representatives — Mr.  Jones  and  the 
people  of  Georgia — His  active  participation  in  the  Presidential 
campaign  of  1856 — His  letter  from  Cincinnati  to  Mr.  Buchanan — 
Mr.  Jones'  reelection  to  Congress  for  his  fourth  term — The 
triumph  of  the  principles  advocated  by  Mr.  Jones  in  the  election 
of  Mr.  Buchanan  to  the  Presidency. 

THE  Democratic  State  Convention  which 
met  at  Harrisburg  early  in  1856  presented 
the  name  of  Mr.  Buchanan  to  the  country, 
with  great  unanimity,  as  a  candidate  for  the  Presi 
dency.  Naturally,  this  led  to  attacks  upon  him 
by  his  political  enemies.  The  National  Democratic 
Convention  was  to  meet  in  Cincinnati  in  June, 
1856,  to  choose  the  Democratic  candidate.  Henry 
M.  Fuller  of  Pennsylvania,  in  a  speech  delivered 
in  the  House  May  10,  1856,  severely  criticised 
the  consistency  of  Mr.  Buchanan  upon  the  ques 
tion  of  slavery  in  the  Territories,  and  also  that  of 
certain  other  leading  Pennsylvania  Democrats. 
Mr.  Jones  replied  to  this  attack,  in  an  able  speech 
delivered  in  the  House  May  13,  1856,  as  follows: 

MR.  JONES  rose  and  said: 

I  gave  notice  on  Saturday,  that  when  the  speech  of 
my  colleague  [Mr.  Fuller]  should  be  in  print,  I  should,  as 
a  question  of  privilege,  ask  the  House  to  indulge  me  in 

329 


330  The  LIFE  of  J.  CLANCY  JONES 

a  few  remarks  which  I  wished  to  make  in  reply  to  my 
colleague . 

The  consent  of  the  House  was  granted. 

MR.  JONES  said:  Mr.  Speaker,  I  was  somewhat  sur 
prised  on  Saturday  last  that  my  colleague  [Mr.  Fuller], 
who  obtained,  as  a  question  of  privilege,  the  unani 
mous  consent  of  the  House  to  make  a  personal  expla 
nation  of  his  own  position  before  the  country  on  the 
great  leading  questions  of  the  day,  should  avail  him 
self  of  that  same  privilege  to  make  a  covert  attack 
upon  the  Democracy  of  Pennsylvania  and  her  leading 
men. 

Whatever  may  have  been  the  design  of  my  col 
league,  whether  in  self-defence  or  otherwise,  no  man 
who  heard  him  could  arrive  at  any  other  conclusion 
than  that  the  latter  part  of  his  speech  was  intended 
to  place  James  Buchanan,  of  Pennsylvania,  in  a  false 
position  before  the  country.  I  name  this  distinguished 
gentleman  because  it  is  well  known  that  he  now  stands 
prominently  before  the  country,  presented  by  his  own 
great  State,  as  a  candidate  for  the  Presidency. 

As  far  as  the  position  of  my  colleague  upon  the 
leading  national  questions  of  the  day  is  concerned,  I 
have  nothing  to  say.  I  leave  that  to  others.  He  is 
not  a  member  of  the  Democratic  party.  It  is  not  re 
sponsible  for  his  acts  or  opinions,  nor  is  he  a  recog 
nized  expounder  of  its  doctrines.  Whatever  may  have 
been  his  position  formerly,  or  however  it  may  conflict 
with  that  which  he  holds  at  present,  it  is  a  matter  which 
does  not  concern  the  Democracy  of  the  country. 

I  can  understand  why  my  colleague  should,  at  this 
juncture,  desire  to  square  himself  to  his  new  position 
as  a  national  man  by  invoking  the  noble  name  of 


JAMES  BUCHANAN  331 

James  Buchanan.  Sir,  it  is  the  fashion,  in  the  new 
caste  of  parties  in  this  Hall,  to  appeal  to  great  names 
as  the  authors  and  supporters  of  great  errors.  George 
Washington  has  been  quoted  here  as  a  Know-Nothing 
by  a  perversion  of  one  of  his  military  orders ;  Thomas 
Jefferson  has  been  introduced  before  us  as  the  original 
inventor  of  the  higher  law;  and  we  have  even  been 
invited  to  a  feast,  composed  of  obscure  and  dusty 
traditions,  at  which  both  Franklin  and  Madison  have 
been  made  to  figure  as  modern  Abolitionists.  May  I 
say  to  my  colleague  that  this  practice  is  much  better 
honored  in  the  breach  than  in  the  observance  ? 

Nor  is  it  my  purpose  either  to  allude  to  any  of  the 
gentlemen  named  by  my  colleague,  myself  included, 
or  to  explain  their  positions  on  these  questions ;  that 
is  a  matter  which  will  take  care  of  itself.  My  purpose 
is  to  address  myself  entirely  to  that  portion  of  his 
remarks  which  related  to  that  distinguished  Pennsyl- 
vanian,  James  Buchanan. 

I  am  deeply  impressed  with  the  idea  that  it  is  a 
work  of  supererogation  for  me  to  come  to  the  rescue 
of  the  noble  and  glorious  stand  which  the  Democracy 
of  Pennsylvania  has  taken  and  maintained  fearlessly 
and  boldly  before  the  country,  in  every  crisis  where  the 
Constitution  or  the  Union  was  assailed  or  endangered. 
I  call  the  attention  of  the  House  and  the  country  to 
the  fact,  that  of  all  the  Northern  States  there  is  none 
which  has  confessedly  been  more  undeviating  in  its 
defence  of  national  doctrines  than  the  State  which  I 
have  the  honor  in  part  to  represent.  I  say  confessedly, 
because  the  evidence  of  this  is  to  be  found,  not  only  in 
the  tribute  paid  to  the  record  of  Pennsylvania  by  the 
sound  men  of  all  parts  of  the  Union,  but  by  the  unceas- 


332  The  LIFE  of].  CLANCY  JONES 

ing  and  reckless  attacks  made  upon  the  Democracy  of 
that  State  for  their  perseverance  and  fidelity  in  times 
of  trial,  in  resisting  the  onsets  of  fanaticism  by  the 
leaders  of  Abolitionism.  Pennsylvania  has  always 
occupied  this  position;  and,  standing  as  it  were  in  the 
centre  of  the  Union,  between  the  North  and  the  South, 
she  has  been  enabled  to  resist  the  advance  of  Aboli 
tionism,  and  to  protect  with  her  gigantic  energies  and 
imposing  example  those  institutions  which  are  con 
stantly  imperiled  in  the  course  of  political  events. 
The  record  of  the  Democracy  of  Pennsylvania  is  lumi 
nous.  Its  acts  and  deeds  are  known  throughout  the 
length  and  breadth  of  the  country.  I  should  only  mar 
that  record  and  weaken  its  powerful  force  by  even 
attempting  to  defend  it  from  assault  from  any  quarter. 
For  its  high  position  before  the  country,  for  its  long 
line  of  brilliant  acts,  known  and  recognized  throughout 
our  glorious  Union,  we  stand  this  day  more  indebted 
to  the  firm,  consistent,  and  fearless  course  of  James 
Buchanan  than  any  other  man  living. 

Nor,  Mr.  Speaker,  do  I  deem  it  necessary  to  come  to 
his  defence  ;  that  is  not  my  object.  He  is  understood 
at  this  day,  as  I  have  already  stated,  to  be  a  prominent 
candidate  for  the  Presidency,  presented  by  his  own 
great  State  with  unparalleled  unanimity.  In  forty 
years  of  public  service  he  has  made  a  record  which, 
I  emphatically  say  here,  needs  no  vindication  at  my 
hands.  Upon  that  record  he  now  stands  before  the 
country;  but  as  public  opinion,  with  great  propriety, 
in  an  exciting  crisis  like  the  present,  is  necessarily 
drawn  to  a  close  and  scrutinizing  investigation  of  all 
the  acts  and  opinions  of  public  men,  even  to  a  misrep 
resentation  of  these  opinions,  I  deem  it  necessary  here, 


JAMES  BUCHANAN  333 

and  in  my  place,  and  for  the  last  time,  as  far  as  I  may 
be  able,  to  settle  this  matter,  so  far  as  it  relates  to  Mr. 
Buchanan. 

The  public  life  and  character  of  this  distinguished 
gentleman  is  so  completely  identified  with  the  history 
of  the  Democracy  of  his  native  State,  that  it  is  impos 
sible  to  separate  them ;  and  I  could  not  defend  the  one 
without  defending  the  other.  My  object  now  is  not 
so  much  even  to  offer  a  defence  of  Mr.  Buchanan  as  it 
is  to  expose  the  character  of  the  covert  attacks  that 
may  be  made  upon  his  public  life  and  political  position, 
designed  to  have  an  injurious  effect  upon  the  country 
at  this  particular  crisis.  In  the  other  wing  of  the 
Capitol  he  has  been  associated  with  the  ablest  intellects 
of  the  day  in  supporting  constitutional  principles. 
Sir,  you  recollect  this  as  well  as  I  do;  and  I  will  not 
consume  the  time  of  the  House  by  rehearsing  his  record, 
familiar  as  it  is  to  the  people  of  the  country,  but  come 
at  once  to  the  charge  of  my  colleague,  that  in  1819  Mr. 
Buchanan  acted  as  the  chairman  of  a  committee  at  a 
meeting  held  at  Lancaster,  Pennsylvania,  in  which  cer 
tain  resolutions  were  adopted  denouncing  the  Missouri 
compromise .  Those  resolutions  are  as  follows : 

"Resolved,  That  the  Representatives  in  Congress 
from  this  district  be,  and  they  are  hereby,  most 
earnestly  requested  to  use  their  utmost  endeavors,  as 
members  of  the  National  Legislature,  to  PREVENT  the 
EXISTENCE  of  SLAVERY  in  any  of  the  Territories  or 
States  which  may  be  erected  by  Congress. 

"  Resolved,  That,  in  the  opinion  of  this  meeting,  the 
members  of  Congress  who,  at  the  last  session,  sustained 
the  cause  of  justice,  humanity,  and  patriotism,  in 
opposing  the  introduction  of  slavery  into  the  States 


334  The  LIFE  of  J.  CLANCY  JONES 

then  endeavored  to  be  formed  out  of  the  Missouri 
Territory,  are  entitled  to  the  warmest  thanks  of  every 
friend  of  humanity." 

If  my  colleague  is  as  unfortunate  in  his  allusions  to 
others,  as  I  think  I  will  be  able  to  show  he  has  been  to 
Mr.  Buchanan,  the  speech  which  he  pronounced  on 
Saturday  will  not  add  much  to  his  reputation.  It  is 
somewhat  remarkable  and  unfortunate  for  my  col 
league  that,  in  a  speech  made  to  vindicate  his  own 
character  from  a  charge  founded  upon  a  false  and 
spurious  document,  he  should  in  the  same  speech  rake 
up  against  Mr.  Buchanan  a  charge  founded  upon  a 
document  equally  false  and  spurious. 

Now,  sir,  I  am  enabled  to  state,  on  unquestioned 
authority,  that  the  declaration,  that  James  Buchanan 
was  chairman  of  the  committee  which  framed  those 
resolutions,  is  unfounded  and  untrue.  I  undertake 
here,  in  my  place,  to  say  to  the  House  and  the  country, 
that  Mr.  Buchanan  did  not  report  the  resolutions 
referred  to ;  that  he  was  not  the  chairman  of  the  com 
mittee  by  which  they  were  reported ;  and  that  he  never 
saw  them  until  they  appeared  in  print.  But,  suppose 
he  had  reported  them;  suppose  he  had  been  chairman 
of  the  committee  which  reported  them — I  appeal  to 
the  South  to  answer  whether  this  fact  should  stand 
against  him  with  the  long  experience  of  his  life  before 
the  country? 

But,  Mr.  Speaker,  this  accusation  belongs  to  the 
class  of  idle  reports  invented,  and  now  circulated,  to 
damage  him  in  the  estimation  of  the  American  people. 
Sir,  all  these  accusations,  whether  asserted  anony 
mously  or  publicly,  are  triumphantly  answered  by 
the  record  of  his  public  life. 


JAMES  BUCHANAN  335 

I  do  not  deem  it  necessary,  Mr.  Speaker,  to  go  into 
an  examination  of  the  other  allegations  of  my  col 
league,  in  reference  to  Mr.  Buchanan.  So  much  stress 
seems  to  have  been  laid  upon  the  particular  charge 
which  I  have  just  answered,  that  I  thought  it  worthy 
of  this  special  notice.  As  to  the  rest,  I  confess  my 
astonishment  that  my  colleague  should  have  deemed 
it  necessary  to  refer  to  them. 

All  such  accusations  as  these  against  Mr.  Buchanan 
are  answered  by  thirty-six  years  of  devotion  to  the 
Constitution  of  the  United  States. 

They  are  answered  by  the  fact  that,  twenty  years 
ago,  in  the  Senate  of  the  United  States,  he  was 
among  the  first  Northern  men  to  resist  the  inroads  of 
Abolitionism. 

They  are  answered  by  his  opposition  to  the  circula 
tion  of  insurrectionary  documents  through  the  mails 
of  the  United  States  among  the  slaves  of  the  South. 

They  are  answered  by  his  determined  support  of  the 
bill  admitting  Arkansas  into  the  American  Union. 

They  are  answered  by  his  eloquent  support  of  the 
bill  admitting  Michigan  into  the  Union. 

They  are  answered  by  his  early  support  of  the  annex 
ation  of  Texas. 

They  are  answered  by  his  persevering  support  of  the 
fugitive  slave  law. 

They  are  answered  by  his  energetic  efforts  to  effect 
the  repeal  of  the  law  of  the  State  of  Pennsylvania 
denying  to  the  Federal  authorities  the  use  of  her 
prisons  for  the  detention  of  fugitive  slaves. 

They  are  answered  by  his  early  and  unyielding 
opposition  to  the  Wilmot  proviso. 

They  are  answered  by  the  assaults  which  have  been 


336  The  LIFE  of  J.  CLANCY  JONES 

made  upon  him.  by  Northern  fanatics  during  more 
than  a  quarter  of  a  century. 

They  are  answered  by  the  encomiums  of  the  true 
and  national  men  of  every  section  of  the  country  in 
which  he  is  repeatedly  designated  as  "  distinguished 
for  his  capacity — distinguished  for  his  high  attain 
ments — distinguished  for  his  high  eloquence,  yet  more 
distinguished  still  for  the  pure  morality  of  his  life  and 
the  stern  patriotism  of  his  character." 

They  are  answered  by  the  fact  that,  while  a  member 
of  Mr.  Folk's  Cabinet,  against  the  opposition  of  fanati 
cism,  he  proposed  to  extend  the  Missouri  line  to  the 
Pacific  amid  the  delight  and  gratitude  of  national  men 
of  all  parts  of  the  Union. 

They  are  answered  by  every  vote  he  gave  in  the 
American  Congress  on  the  question  of  slavery,  and  by 
the  fact,  that  of  all  Northern  men  he  has  been  among 
the  most  prominent  in  asserting  and  defending  a  strict 
construction  of  the  Federal  Constitution. 

They  are  answered  by  the  construction  which  he 
placed  upon  the  compromise  measures  of  1850,  in  the 
letter  addressed  by  him,  in  November  of  the  same  year, 
to  the  people  of  Philadelphia,  in  which  he  declared 
that  the  compromise  measures  had  superseded  the 
Missouri  line,  or,  to  use  his  own  language,  that  that 
line  had  " passed  away,"  which  construction  led  in 
evitably  to  the  adoption  of  the  principle  of  popular 
sovereignty  embodied  in  the  Kansas-Nebraska  Bill. 

They  are  answered  by  the  national  action  of  his 
State — a  State  memorable  in  the  history  of  this  ques 
tion  for  its  fidelity  to  the  rights  of  the  other  States,  a 
record  with  which  he  and  his  friends  are  inseparably 
identified. 


JAMES  BUCHANAN  337 

They  are  answered  by  the  resolutions  adopted  by 
the  last  Democratic  State  Convention  of  Pennsylvania, 
and  accepted  and  endorsed  by  Mr.  Buchanan,  on 
Thursday,  the  8th  of  May,  in  the  following  language : 

"The  duties  of  the  President,  whosoever  he  may 
be,  have  been  clearly  and  ably  indicated  by  the  admir 
able  resolutions  of  the  Convention  which  you  have 
just  presented  to  me,  and  all  of  which,  without  refer 
ence  to  those  merely  personal  to  myself,  I  heartily 
adopt.  Indeed,  they  met  my  cordial  approbation 
from  the  moment  when  I  first  perused  them  on  the 
other  side  of  the  Atlantic.  They  constitute  a  platform 
broad,  national,  and  conservative,  and  one  eminently 
worthy  of  the  Democracy  of  our  great  and  good  old 
State. 

"  These  resolutions  carried  into  execution,  with  an 
inflexibility  and  perseverance  precluding  all  hope  of 
change,  and  yet  in  a  kindly  spirit,  will,  ere  long,  allay 
the  dangerous  excitement  which  has  for  some  years 
prevailed  on  the  subject  of  domestic  slavery,  and  again 
unite  all  portions  of  our  common  country  in  the  ancient 
bonds  of  brotherly  affection,  under  the  flag  of  the 
Constitution  and  the  Union." 

And  I  now  send  the  resolutions  adopted  by  the 
Democracy  of  Pennsylvania,  and  endorsed  by  Mr. 
Buchanan,  to  the  Clerk's  table,  and  desire  that  they 
may  be  read: 

"Resolved,  That  in  the  present  distracted  condition 
of  parties,  in  which  sectional  and  partial  issues  have 
been  allowed  to  attain  a  dangerous  supremacy,  we 
recognize  in  the  policy  of  the  Democratic  party  that 
which  rests  upon  the  Constitution  as  its  basis ;  and  that 
it  is  the  party  which  above  all  others  has,  in  the  lan- 

VOL.  1—22 


338  The  LIFE  of  J.  CLANCY  JONES 

guage  of  the  illustrious  Madison,  ever  continued  'to 
hold  the  Union  of  the  States  as  the  basis  of  their  peace 
and  happiness;  to  support  the  Constitution,  which  is 
the  cement  of  the  Union,  as  well  in  its  limitations  as 
its  authorities;  to  respect  the  rights  and  authorities 
reserved  to  the  States  and  to  the  people,  as  equally 
incorporated  with,  and  essential  to,  the  success  of  the 
general  system;  and  to  avoid  the  slightest  interfer 
ence  with  the  rights  of  conscience  or  the  functions  of 
religion,  so  wisely  exempted  from  civil  jurisdiction.' 

"Resolved,  That  by  the  general  consent  of  the  wise 
and  virtuous  of  all  nations,  the  framers  of  the  Republic 
of  the  United  States  exhibited  in  their  individual 
characters,  and  in  the  result  of  their  public  delibera 
tions,  a  degree  of  virtue  and  a  practical  statesmanship 
to  which  the  history  of  the  world  affords  no  parallel; 
that  in  no  part  of  the  Federal  compact  is  the  wisdom  of 
our  Fathers  more  conspicuous  than  in  leaving  the  whole 
question  of  slavery  to  the  States  in  their  separate 
capacities ;  and  that  in  the  provision  for  the  re  deli  very 
of  fugitives  escaped  from  labor  or  service,  they  demon 
strated  a  sense  of  justice,  an  appreciation  of  the  value 
of  the  Union,  an  attachment  to  its  preservation,  an 
avoidance  of  one-sided  philanthropy  and  impracticable 
theories  of  government,  which  present  a  proper  example 
for  the  guidance  and  imitation  of  us  their  descendants. 

"Resolved,  That  we  look  only  to  the  Constitution, 
and  the  exposition  thereof  wrhich  has  been  afforded 
by  the  practices  of  the  Democratic  Administrations, 
for  the  chart  of  our  policy.  That  these  constitute, 
until  the  fundamental  law  is  changed  by  methods  which 
itself  provides,  the  highest  law  of  our  obedience  as 
citizens;  and  that  we  utterly  discard  that  particular 


JAMES  BUCHANAN  339 

and  exaggerated  sympathy,  the  attempt  to  carry 
which  into  practice  is  at  the  peril  of  our  dearest  interests 
as  a  nation,  and  threatens  the  infliction  of  evils  of  ten 
fold  magnitude  to  those  which  it  proposes  to  heal. 

"Resolved,  That  the  equality  of  the  States  is  the 
vital  element  of  the  Constitution  itself,  and  that  all 
interference  with  the  rights  of  the  States  by  those  who 
seek  to  disregard  the  sacred  guarantees  of  the  past, 
and  by  all  others,  should  be  rebuked  with  the  same 
spirit  that  would  denounce  and  repudiate  all  attempts 
to  erect  odious  distinctions  between  those  who  are 
entitled  to  share  the  blessings  and  benefits  of  our  free 
institutions. 

"  Resolved,  That  the  effort  to  direct  the  power  of  the 
Government  by  anti-slavery  agitations,  under  the 
various  names  and  phases  of  Free-Soilism,  Anti- 
Nebraskaism,  Fusionism,  and  Republicanism,  and  by 
interfering  with  the  rights  of  conscience  in  establish 
ing  a  religious  test  as  a  qualification  for  office,  by  the 
secret  oath-bound  society  of  the  Know-Nothings,  is 
opposed  both  to  the  letter  and  the  spirit  of  the  Con 
stitution,  and  to  the  earnest  teachings  and  practice  of 
its  earliest  and  most  honored  administrators. 

"Resolved,  That  we  are  now  as  ever  unalterably 
opposed  to  the  doctrines  and  designs  of  all  organiza 
tions  which  contemplate  the  overthrow  of  the  civil 
and  religious  rights  of  the  citizen,  which,  like  the 
equality  of  the  States,  is  a  sacred  and  inalienable  right, 
never  to  be  interfered  with  by  factious  parties  and 
reckless  legislation,  without  a  subversion  of  the 
primary  objects  of  our  political  system,  and  a  repu 
diation  of  the  guarantees  of  the  past  and  the  hopes  of 
the  future. 


340  The  LIFE  of  J.  CLANCY  JONES 

"Resolved,  That  in  the  repeal  of  the  act  known  as 
the  Missouri  compromise  act,  and  the  passage  of  the 
act  organizing  the  Territories  of  Kansas  and  Nebraska, 
free  from  unconstitutional  restrictions,  the  last  Con 
gress  performed  a  work  of  patriotic  sacrifice  in  meet 
ing  the  demands  of  sectional  excitement  by  unshaken 
adherence  to  the  fundamental  law. 

"Resolved,  That  this  legislation  cannot  be  deemed 
unnecessary,  but  that  it  was  expedient  to  meet  the 
questions  of  which  it  disposed,  and  which  could  never 
admit  of  a  more  easy  settlement  than  at  present.  That 
we  recognize  in  it  the  application  to  the  Territories  of 
the  United  States  of  the  rule  of  'equal  and  exact 
justice  to  all  men,'  of  all  sections  of  the  Confederacy, 
which  was  designed  by  the  frame rs  of  our  Government, 
and  which  was  defined  as  one  of  its  essential  principles 
by  the  immortal  Jefferson. 

"Resolved,  That  the  Democracy  of  Pennsylvania, 
following  the  counsel  of  some  of  the  wisest  statesmen 
of  the  North  and  South,  were  ready  on  more  than  one 
occasion  in  the  past  to  extend  the  Missouri  compromise 
line  to  the  Pacific,  so  as  to  make  it  the  basis  of  a  final 
settlement  of  the  question  of  slavery  in  the  Territories ; 
but  when  this  proposition  was  rejected  in  1848,  on  the 
ground  that  it  involved  an  undue  concession  to  the 
South,  by  the  very  men  who  now  clamor  for  a  restora 
tion  of  the  Missouri  line,  there  seemed  to  be  but  one 
wise  alternative  left,  and  that  was  to  refer  the  whole 
question  of  slavery  in  the  Territories  to  the  people 
thereof,  to  be  regulated  as  they  may  deem  proper ; 
and  we,  therefore,  cheerfully  extend  our  hearty  sup 
port  to  the  policy  of  the  Government  as  recognized  in 
the  compromise  measures  of  1850,  and  embodied  in 


JAMES  BUCHANAN  341 

the  laws  organizing  the  Territories  of  Kansas  and 
Nebraska." 

And  what  other  answer  is  necessary  to  the  allega 
tion  of  my  colleague?  What  other  platform  does  the 
country  desire? 

Mr.  Speaker,  this  is  Mr.  Buchanan's  position.  Upon 
this  impregnable  foundation  he  takes  his  stand.  There 
is  no  evasion  here ;  all  is  frank,  outspoken,  and  plain. 
Who  can  be  surprised  if  to  such  a  standard  and  to 
such  a  man  the  people,  in  the  present  crisis,  should 
look  with  confidence  and  hope  ?  Who  will  not  rejoice 
to  see  patriotic  citizens  applauding  a  public  man  who 
stands  upon  such  a  creed?  Those  gallant  spirits, 
heretofore  opposed  to  us,  whose  voices  we  have  heard 
with  such  transports  of  delight  in  both  branches  of 
Congress,  declaring  themselves  for  the  principles  of 
the  national  Democracy,  will  be  no  less  gratified  with 
the  creed  upon  which  Mr.  Buchanan  has  taken  his 
position  than  will  the  national  Democrats  themselves. 
And  now,  sir,  let  me  recall  to  your  mind  the  action  of 
the  Democratic  party  in  this  House,  at  the  opening  of 
the  present  Congress,  to  the  following  resolution,  which 
I  had  the  honor  to  offer  on  the  3d  of  December,  1855, 
and  which  was  adopted  by  that  caucus  by  a  unanimous 
vote : 

"Resolved,  That  the  Democratic  members  of  the 
House  of  Representatives,  though  in  a  temporary 
minority  in  this  body,  deem  this  a  fit  occasion  to 
tender  to  their  fellow-citizens  of  the  whole  Union  their 
heartfelt  congratulations  on  the  triumph,  in  the  recent 
elections  in  several  of  the  Northern,  Eastern,  and  West 
ern,  as  well  as  Southern  States,  of  the  principles  of  the 
Kansas-Nebraska  Bill,  and  the  doctrines  of  civil  and 


342  The  LIFE  of  J.  CLANCY  JONES 

religious  liberty  which  have  been  so  violently  assailed 
by  a  secret  political  order  known  as  the  Know-Nothing 
party ;  and,  though  in  a  minority,  we  hold  it  to  be  our 
highest  duty  to  preserve  our  organization  and  continue 
our  efforts  in  the  maintenance  and  defence  of  those 
principles,  and  the  constitutional  rights  of  every  sec 
tion  and  every  class  of  citizens  against  their  opponents 
of  every  description,  whether  the  so-called  Republi 
cans,  Know-Not hings,  or  Fusionists;  and  to  this  end 
we  look  with  confidence  to  the  support  and  approba 
tion  of  all  good  and  true  men — friends  of  the  Constitu 
tion  and  the  Union  throughout  the  country." 

You  will  observe  that  the  invitation  to  the  patriotic 
men  of  all  parties  held  out  in  this  resolution  is  in  exact 
accordance  with  the  spirit  which  now  animates  the 
Democracy  all  over  the  land,  and  which  was  fitly 
responded  to  by  the  Democracy  of  Pennsylvania, 
when  they  placed  James  Buchanan  in  nomination  for 
the  Presidency.  You  will  observe,  also,  that  the  con 
fidence  expressed  in  the  ultimate  triumph  of  the  prin 
ciples  of  the  Nebraska  bill,  and  the  advice  that  these 
principles  should  not  be  discarded,  are  in  peculiar 
harmony  with  the  stern  patriotism  of  character  which 
has  always  controlled  Mr.  Buchanan  in  meeting  great 
questions,  and  especially  in  resisting  the  onsets  of  the 
enemies  of  the  rights  of  the  States. 

Mr.  Speaker,  we  are  on  the  eve  of  important  events. 
We  are  in  the  midst  of  an  era  of  investigation ;  and  at 
such  a  time  it  is  natural,  it  is  right,  that  the  records  of 
our  public  men  should  be  explored,  to  see  how  far  they 
may  be  trusted  in  the  future.  We  have  not  boasted 
of  the  record  of  Mr.  Buchanan,  nor  have  we  obtruded 
it  upon  the  country.  The  masses  know  it  by  heart; 


INVITED  to  GEORGIA  343 

they  have  studied  it  carefully,  and  they  rest  upon  it, 
confident  that  it  will  stand  the  test  of  the  most  intelli 
gent  scrutiny. 

And  while  we  are  thus  careful  to  secure  a  standard- 
bearer  whose  past  history  shall  be  one  luminous  illus 
tration  of  truth  defended,  and  of  error  exposed,  it  is 
proper  that  we  should  extend  to  those  gallant  national 
men,  heretofore  in  opposition  to  us,  a  cheerful  welcome 
to  our  ranks.  Let  us  secure  the  cooperation  of  these 
gifted  and  patriotic  men;  let  us  maintain  our  hold 
upon  the  affections  of  the  national  Democrats,  by  pre 
senting  a  candidate  who,  like  James  Buchanan,  will 
challenge  and  command  the  respect  of  all  parties ; 
and  who  stands  upon  the  record  without  blemish, 
and  can  point  to  a  career  worthy  of  the  imitation  of 
every  young  man  in  the  land. 

In  July,  1856,  Mr.  Jones  had  consented  to 
deliver  an  address  at  La  Grange,  Georgia,  and  he 
had  received  invitations  to  accept  the  hospitality 
of  the  State  in  other  localities.  He  was  afterward 
obliged  to  break  this  engagement,  by  the  pending 
of  important  questions  before  Congress.  To  allay 
the  disappointment  of  the  people  of  Georgia  and 
to  justify  Mr.  Jones  in  his  failure  to  keep  his 
engagement,  the  following  letter  was  written  by 
distinguished  members  of  Congress  from  that 
State: 

WASHINGTON,  July  2,  1856. 

We  regret  exceedingly  the  necessity  which  compels 
our  friend  Mr.  J.  Glancy  Jones  to  decline  his  visit  to 
Georgia.  Some  of  us  have  participated  actively  in 


344  The  LIFE  of  J.  CLANCY  JONES 

securing  his  assent  to  deliver  the  address  before  our 
people,  and  feel  it,  therefore,  incumbent  upon  us  to 
express  our  concurrence  in  the  conclusion  to  which 
Mr.  Jones  has  come.     However  much  we  may  regret 
the  disappointment  which  will  be  felt  by  our  friends, 
we  can  but  express  our  high  appreciation  of  the  patriotic 
considerations  which  have  induced  Mr.  Jones  to  decline 
a   visit   from  which  we   know   he    anticipated  much 
pleasure  and  for  which  he  had  completed  his  arrange 
ments.    The  position  of  Mr.  Jones,  his  just  influence  in 
Congress,  and  his  sound  constitutional  views  on  the 
sectional   questions   now   agitating  the   public   mind, 
render   his  presence   in  Washington  at  this  crisis   a 
matter  of  more  than  ordinary  importance.    When  you 
remember  that  it  is  in  the  support  and  defence  of  the 
constitutional  rights  of  our  section  of  the  country  that 
Mr.  Jones  will  be  engaged,  as  well  as  in  restoring  peace 
and  quiet  to  the  whole  country,  we  feel  assured  that 
you  will  concur  with  us,   not  only  in  approving  his 
course,  but  in  the  expression  of  our  appreciation  of  his 
patriotic  devotion  to  our  common  country. 
Very  respectfully  your  ob't  serv'ts, 
J.  F.  DOWDELL, 
HIRAM  WARNER, 
MARTIN  J.  CRAWFORD, 
ALEXANDER  H.  STEPHENS, 
HOWELL  COBB. 

Mr.  Jones  took  a  very  active  part  in  the  Presi 
dential  campaign  of  1856,  both  upon  the  stump 
and  in  the  councils  of  the  party.  His  advice  and 
assistance  were  called  for  from  all  sections  of  the 
country.  No  one  man  contributed  more  than  he 


RE-NOMINATED  for  CONGRESS  345 

to  the  triumph  of  the  Democratic  party  in  Penn 
sylvania  in  October  of  that  year.  He  was  unani 
mously  nominated  by  the  Democratic  party  of 
Berks  County  for  Congress  for  the  fourth  time, 
and  was  elected  by  a  majority  of  6004,  which  was 
the  largest  majority  ever  received  by  any  Repre 
sentative  from  Berks  County.  His  reputation 
was  national,  and  his  power  and  influence  were 
recognized  everywhere.  It  was  a  campaign  of 
bitterness  and  feverish  excitement.  He  had  been 
a  prominent  figure  in  the  Cincinnati  Convention 
which  nominated  Mr.  Buchanan  for  the  Presi 
dency,  and  it  was  largely  through  his  efforts  that 
the  nomination  was  made. 

The  following  letter  from  Mr.  Jones  to  Mr. 
Buchanan  on  the  eve  of  the  Convention  shows 
the  situation  there  before  the  Convention  met,  as 
he  saw  it: 

CINCINNATI,  OHIO,  30  May,  1856. 
MY  DEAR  SIR: 

The  current  flows  gently  and  beautifully  in  our 
favor.  The  only  fear  I  apprehended  was  a  noisy  fac 
tional  spirit,  even  though  confined  to  a  few;  but 
popular  sentiment  has  done  its  work  well,  and  our  op 
ponents  are  chilled  into  a  subdued  tone.  We  have  no 
acrimony.  I  am  gratified  to  find  in  this  particular  a 
fulfilment  of  my  early  anticipations.  I  am  gratified 
in  another  particular,  if  you  will  excuse  my  egotism, 
and  that  is  the  unreserved  confidence  with  which  all 
Southern  men  meet  me  on  platforms.  Many  extremely 
Southern  men  are  behind  the  age,  and,  with  full  confi- 


346  The  LIFE  of  J.  CLANCY  JONES 

dence  in  you,  are  still  laboring  under  the  impression 
that  we  would  want  an  elastic  platform  susceptible 
of  double  reading.  At  least  they  cannot  imagine  how 
we  are  to  be  so  strong  at  the  North,  without  "a  cat  in 
the  meal."  Their  confidence  in  my  position  on  this 
subject  alone  enables  me  to  dispel  this  fear ;  I  have  this 
morning  in  my  hand  the  unmistakable  united  vote  of 
Tennessee.  Even  Col.  W.  H.  Polk  has  turned  up  a 
Buchanan  man.  "Vox  populi,  vox  delegatorum." 
Our  friends  are  all  sanguine  and  delighted.  News  from 
Iowa,  Indiana,  Maine,  Mass.,  and  Ohio  is  even  better 
than  when  we  parted.  It  would  now  be  a  miracle  if 
we  fail.  I  shall  write  you  occasionally,  but  I  promised 
nothing  for  fear  of  disappointing  and  knowing  that 
many  others  would  write .  Our  delegation  behaves  well. 
Packer  wrote  you  and  showed  me  his  letter,  which  I 
franked.  He  is  as  enthusiastic  now  as  any  one. — Porter 
is  a  little  too  anxious  to  be  chairman  of  the  delegation, 
on  a  contest,  for  which  I  am  sorry.  Forney,  poor  fel 
low,  is  very  sick;  which  really  distresses  me.  Maine 
is  doing  us  good  service  here;  Virginia  ditto.  The 
scenes  may  change  so  as  to  raise  a  ripple ;  otherwise 
we  will  have  an  easy  time  of  it.  How  every  lover  of 
his  country  ought  to  rejoice  if  this  National  Convention 
should  become  the  registry  of  the  national  will,  instead 
of  a  slaughter-house. 

Truly  Yours, 

J.  GLANCY  JONES. 

He  had  framed  the  platform  that  defined  the 
policy  of  the  party  at  the  preceding  session  of 
Congress,  and  had  triumphantly  defended  it 
from  attack  on  the  floor  of  the  House.  He  was 


HIS  PART  in  the  CAMPAIGN  of  1856  347 

a  member  of  the  Committee  on  Resolutions  of 
the  Cincinnati  Convention,  and  was  largely  instru 
mental  in  constructing  the  platform  adopted  by 
that  Convention.  He  went  before  the  country 
with  this  platform  and  the  candidate  who  stood 
upon  it.  He  made  many  speeches  upon  the  stump 
during  the  campaign.  His  conspicuous  position 
was  recognized  by  his  fellow  citizens  throughout 
the  country,  who  sent  him  invitations  to  address 
them  upon  the  leading  questions  of  the  time.  He 
was  strongly  urged  to  speak  in  Montgomery, 
Alabama,  Wilmington,  North  Carolina,  Louisville, 
Kentucky,  and  Richmond,  Virginia,  by  the  lead 
ing  citizens  of  those  cities.  He  had  the  satisfac 
tion  of  seeing  the  political  principles  for  which 
he  had  so  zealously  contended  endorsed  by  the 
people  in  the  defeat  of  Fremont  and  the  Republi 
can  party  by  a  plurality  of  half  a  million  votes. 
It  was  but  natural,  therefore,  when  the  election 
was  over,  that  all  sections  of  the  country  should 
turn  to  him,  and  recognize  in  him  the  man  whose 
qualifications  entitled  him  to  a  conspicuous  place 
of  leadership  in  the  new  administration. 

During  the  second  session  of  the  Thirty-fourth 
Congress,  Mr.  Jones  occupied  with  his  family  the 
suite  of  apartments  at  the  National  Hotel  which 
had  been  occupied  by  Henry  Clay  at  the  time  of 
his  death. 


CHAPTER  XIX. 

Selection  of  Mr.  Jones  by  Mr.  Buchanan  for  a  seat  in  his  Cabinet 
supported  by  the  sentiment  of  the  country — Factional  opposi 
tion  in  Pennsylvania — Mr.  Jones'  tour  through  the  West. 

NO  biography  of  Mr.  Jones  would  be  com 
plete  without  mention  of   the   political 
intrigue  that  kept  him  out  of  Mr.  Bu 
chanan's  Cabinet. 

As  soon  as  Mr.  Buchanan  gave  any  thought  to 
the  formation  of  his  Cabinet,  whether  before  the 
election  or  afterwards,  Mr.  Jones  was  naturally 
among  the  first  of  those  who  occurred  to  him.  Mr. 
Buchanan's  long  experience  with  public  affairs, 
his  thorough  knowledge  of  men,  his  familiarity 
with  the  public  questions  which  were  then  agi 
tating  the  country,  and  his  long  acquaintance 
with  Mr.  Jones  led  him  to  turn  to  him  as  one  of 
the  most  available  among  the  public  men  of  the 
day  for  that  important  and  honorable  position. 
There  is  no  doubt  that  personally  he  desired  to 
have  the  benefit  of  Mr.  Jones'  counsel  in  the  close 
relation  of  a  Cabinet  minister,  and  this  desire  was 
strengthened  by  the  preference  of  personal  friend 
ship.  There  is  no  doubt  that  Mr.  Jones  was  the 
first  who  was  fixed  upon  in  Mr.  Buchanan's  mind 
as  a  member  of  the  Cabinet.  When  the  formation 
of  the  Cabinet  became  a  subject  for  public  dis 
cussion  immediately  after  Mr.  Buchanan's  elec- 

348 


MR.  BUCHANAN'S  CABINET  349 

tion,  Mr.  Jones'  name  was  included  by  every  one 
in  the  list  of  probable  Cabinet  appointments, 
and  remained  there  up  to  within  a  few  days  of 
the  inauguration.  Though  other  names  in  the 
list  were  changed  from  time  to  time  and  the  specu 
lation  covered  a  wide  range,  there  was  a  remarka 
ble  unanimity  of  opinion  throughout  the  country 
that  Mr.  Jones  had  been  chosen  by  the  President. 
This  was  because  he  was  universally  recognized 
by  the  public  as  the  most  available  man  in  the 
country  at  that  time  for  the  position,  and  his 
selection  had  the  general  approval  of  the  press 
and  of  public  sentiment  in  all  sections  of  the 
country.  The  position  was  awarded  to  him  not 
only  by  Mr.  Buchanan's  preference,  but  by  the 
common  consent  of  his  countrymen.  It  does  not 
anywhere  appear  that  Mr.  Jones  made  any  effort 
to  obtain  this  appointment. 

The  following  letter  from  the  Hon.  William 
Bigler,  the  only  Democratic  United  States  Senator 
from  Pennsylvania,  expresses  the  sentiment  then 
existing  in  Washington: 

WASHINGTON  CITY,  B.C.,  Feb.  iyth,  1857. 
His  EXCELLENCY  JAMES  BUCHANAN: 

MY  DEAR  SIR:  The  impression  is  general  here  to-day 
that  your  Cabinet  will  be  composed  of  the  following 
names:  to  wit,  Messrs.  Cass,  Cobb,  Toucey,  Jones, 
J.  W.  Thompson,  Brown  of  Tennessee,  and  Floyd  of 
Virginia,  and  the  feeling  is  decidedly  favorable. 
Very  truly  your  friend, 

WM.  BIGLER. 


350  The  LIFE  of  J.  GLANCY  JONES 

The  " Evening  Star,"  of  Washington,  as  early 
as  December,  1856,  truly  described  the  situation 
as  follows : 

However  much  the  Democratic  members  of  Congress 
and  other  leading  Democrats  who  may  have  been  in 
Washington  this  winter  may  be  divided  in  sentiment 
with  reference  to  others,  we  have  to  find  the  first  one 
of  them  all  who  would  not  hail  the  selection  of  Mr. 
Jones  to  hold  a  Cabinet  portfolio  with  great  gratifica 
tion.  The  truth  is,  all  the  public  men  of  the  Demo 
cratic  party  place  implicit  confidence  in  him,  the  result 
of  his  extensive  experience  in  public  life,  and  the 
remarkable  sagacity,  good  temper,  and  capability  in 
all  emergencies  he  has  invariably  evinced.  We  care 
not  how  wide  asunder  gentlemen  may  be  upon  open 
questions  in  the  Democratic  party,  all  are  willing  to 
trust  J.  Glancy  Jones,  and  appear  anxious  that  in  the 
difficulties  by  which,  as  well  informed  men  know,  the 
new  administration  is  to  be  surrounded,  it  may  have 
the  benefit  of  his  intimate  knowledge,  not  only  of  the 
requirements  of  the  living  questions,  but  of  the  men 
of  the  party  from  Maine  to  Oregon. 

There  was  no  popular  opposition  in  Pennsyl 
vania  to  Mr.  Jones'  selection  for  a  position  in  the 
Cabinet.  On  the  contrary,  there  was  a  strong 
feeling  in  that  State,  as  elsewhere,  in  his  favor. 
He  was  the  choice  of  the  people  there,  as  every 
where  else,  who  looked  upon  his  appointment  as 
a  matter  of  course.  He  did  not  become  a  member 
of  Mr.  Buchanan's  Cabinet,  because  he  was  opposed 
by  a  small  cabal  of  intriguing,  adroit,  and  schem- 


MR.  BUCHANAN'S  CABINET  351 

ing  politicians  who  were  not  his  friends.  Mr. 
Buchanan,  in  a  letter  written  a  year  or  two  later 
to  his  niece,  Miss  Lane,  described  them  as 
"hounds."  They  felt  that  Mr.  Jones  would  not 
lend  himself  to  their  aims,  and  that  in  the  Cabinet 
he  would  be  a  formidable  obstacle  in  the  way  of 
their  schemes.  Realizing  the  power  he  would 
wield  in  the  new  administration,  and  realizing  as 
well  that  they  could  not  use  him  for  their  purposes, 
they  set  about  violently  opposing  his  appoint 
ment.  Most  of  these  men  had  been  friends  of 
Mr.  Buchanan  and  had  rendered  him  service, 
which  made  it  easy  for  them  to  obtain  his  ear, 
and  easy  to  deceive  him.  There  was  no  foun 
dation  for  their  opposition  but  their  political 
jealousy;  but  urged  on  to  desperation  by  this 
powerful  motive,  they  brought  every  influence 
within  their  reach  to  bear  upon  Mr.  Buchanan, 
who  was  a  timid  man,  and  finally  with  success. 
In  it  all  can  be  seen  the  fine  hand  of  the  adroit 
political  intriguer  with  little  or  no  popular  sup 
port  behind  him. 

They  threatened  Mr.  Buchanan  with  hostility 
to  his  administration  and  with  dissension  in  the 
party,  as  appears  from  the  following  letters  from 
John  Appleton  of  Maine  and  Henry  S.  Magraw. 

SALEM  (MASS.)  Feb.  7,  1857. 
MY  DEAR  SIR: 

I  wrote  you  hastily  from  Phila.,  but  I  regard  your 
interview  with  Forney  as  so  important  that  I  venture 


352  The  LIFE  of  J.  CLANCY  JONES 

to  write  again.  It  would  be  lamentable  to  have  any 
serious  difficulty  in  your  own  State,  &  still  worse  should 
any  of  your  old  friends  participate  in  it;  &  hence  I 
am  anxious  (I  hope  you  will  not  think  officiously  so) 
to  prevent  its  occurrence. 

A  kind  letter  from  you,  with  a  few  kind  words  im 
plying  continued  confidence  and  regard,  would  do  more 
for  Forney  than  any  office. 

I  wrote  you  that  he  predicts  inevitable  disorder  if 
Jones  goes  into  the  Cabinet.  On  this  subject  I  do  not 
presume  to  speculate.  No  one  better  than  yourself 
can  decide,  whether  Jones  has  strength  enough  in  Pa. 
to  bear  up  against  the  opposition  to  him  there,  or 
whether  his  appointment  would  really  lead  to  partial 
mutiny. 

JOHN  APPLETON. 

HON.  JAMES  BUCHANAN. 

Mr.  Buchanan  should  have  understood  Mr. 
Forney  better — perhaps  he  did,  but  did  not  have 
the  courage  to  withstand  him,  as  the  second  para 
graph  in  Mr.  Appleton's  letter  would  seem  to 
imply  that  Mr.  Forney  stood  in  need  of  some  re 
assurance  of  Mr.  Buchanan's  confidence.  He  had 
already  been  false  to  Mr.  Jones,  and  by  yielding 
to  him  in  this  matter  Mr.  Buchanan  only  deferred 
for  a  little  while  Mr.  Forney's  treachery  to  him 
self.  It  was  not  long  before  he  became  one  of  Mr. 
Buchanan's  most  bitter  foes.  He  started  a  news 
paper  in  Philadelphia  called  "The  Press,"  which 
he  devoted  to  the  abuse  of  the  Democratic  party 
and  its  leading  men.  Yet  to  help  Mr.  Forney, 


MR.  BUCHANAN'S  CABINET  353 

Mr.  Buchanan,  not  long  before,  had  risked  the 
doubtful  propriety  and  consequences  of  casting 
the  power  of  his  high  office  in  Mr.  Forney's  favor 
for  the  United  States  Senatorship  in  the  Legisla 
ture  of  his  own  State.  The  cost  of  this  marked 
and  misguided  friendship  was  the  loss  of  a  United 
States  Senator  to  the  Democrats  of  Pennsylvania. 
This  instance,  as  well  as  the  heed  he  gave  to  Mr. 
Forney  in  the  case  of  Mr.  Jones,  followed  as  it 
was  by  the  treachery  of  Mr.  Forney  to  himself, 
shows  how  unmerited  was  the  consideration  Mr. 
Buchanan  had  bestowed  upon  Mr.  Forney.  In 
deed,  as  will  appear  later,  Mr.  Buchanan  after 
wards  reached  this  conclusion  himself. 

HARRISBURG,  Friday  night, 

Feb.  27,  1857. 
MY  DEAR  SIR: 

I  have  just  left  the  room  of  our  friend  Plumer,  who 
is  very  much  agitated  about  the  conduct  of  Genl. 
Karns,  of  Berks  County,  who  arrived  here  to-day  from 
Baltimore,  where  he  had  been  visiting  Jones.  He  is 
soliciting  letters  in  favor  of  Jones'  appointment  and 
representing  that  but  for  Plumer  it  would  have  been 
made — that  P—  -  told  you  the  appointment  of  Jones 
would  distract  the  party  and  peril  the  election  next 
fall — that  they  had  found  him  out  and  would  attend 
to  his  case  for  him.  Mr.  Plumer  says  that  the  conver 
sation  he  had  with  you  about  Jones  was  at  your 
solicitation  and  he  supposed  would  never  go  beyond 
the  room  in  which  it  was  held,  and  thinks  it  very  hard 
that  the  man  who  was  your  enemy  up  to  the  Conven- 

VOL.  1—23 


354  The  LIFE  of  J.  CLANCY  JONES 

tion  should  have  a  knowledge  of  what  had  occurred 
and  use  it  to  his  prejudice.  He  said  however  that  if 
Mr.  Jones  and  his  General  desired  a  contest  with  him 
in  the  future  that  they  should  have  it — that  his  devo 
tion  to  you,  which  had  been  life -long,  should  not 
prevent  him  from  defending  himself.  This  was  said 
in  tears  and  in  deep  earnest.  I  told  him  to  write  to 
you.  He  said  he  could  not  do  it — that  he  had  been 
wounded  to  the  quick  and  his  feelings  would  not 
perrhit. 

Truly  Your  Friend, 

H.  S.  MAGRAW. 
HON.  JAMES  BUCHANAN. 

From  this  letter,  written  by  the  third  member 
of  this  triumvirate  of  Pennsylvania  politicians, 
it  would  seem  quite  clear  that  Mr.  Plumer's  oppo 
sition  to  Mr.  Jones'  appointment  was  not  that  of 
a  manly  and  open  adversary. 

Some  idea  of  the  methods  resorted  to  by  Mr. 
Jones'  enemies  may  be  formed  from  the  following 
extract  from  a  letter  written  by  Henry  Wikoff 
to  Mr.  Buchanan,  dated  New  York,  January  15, 
1857: 

Bennett  feels  downright  regret  at  Forney's  defeat, 
but  you  see  this  morning  he  puts  him  up  for  Post 
master-General.  He  told  me  last  night  that  he  received 
a  strong  letter  from  Washington  a  couple  of  weeks  ago 
urging  Glancy  Jones  for  Postmaster-General.  He  pub 
lished  the  letter,  but  substituted  Forney's  name  for 
Jones'. 


MR.  BUCHANAN'S  CABINET  355 

The  reference  here  is  to  James  Gordon  Bennett 
and  the  "New  York  Herald."  Mr.  Bennett  was 
one  of  Mr.  Forney's  friends;  they  were  both  news 
paper  men.  He  did  not  hesitate  to  use  what  his 
impartial  Washington  correspondent  had  truth 
fully  represented  as  the  state  of  public  sentiment 
in  Washington  in  favor  of  Mr.  Jones'  selection  for 
a  place  in  the  Cabinet,  for  the  benefit  of  Mr. 
Forney,  by  substituting  Mr.  Forney's  name  in  the 
communication  for  that  of  Mr.  Jones,  without  con 
sulting  the  correspondent. 

The  defeat  of  Mr.  Forney,  which  Mr.  Wikoff 
refers  to  as  having  been  felt  by  Mr.  Bennett  with 
"downright  regret,"  was  his  failure  to  be  elected 
United  States  Senator  by  the  Pennsylvania  Legis 
lature  a  few  days  before.  Mr.  Forney  had  received 
the  nomination  of  the  Democratic  caucus  through 
the  intervention  and  influence  of  Mr.  Buchanan. 
Out  of  the  sixty  Democrats  who  attended  the 
caucus  Mr.  Forney  received  the  votes  of  thirty- 
five.  There  were  sixty-nine  Democratic  members 
of  the  Legislature,  and  of  this  number  eight  friends 
of  Mr.  Foster  resented  Mr.  Buchanan's  interference 
by  refusing  to  go  into  the  caucus.  The  number  of 
votes  cast  for  Mr.  Forney  in  the  caucus,  with  Mr. 
Buchanan's  aid,  was  one  vote  more  than  half  the 
whole  number  of  Democrats  in  the  Legislature. 
The  small  Democratic  majority  in  the  Legisla 
ture  was  made  unavailable  by  the  unwise  and 
enforced  selection  of  Mr.  Forney  as  the  Demo 
cratic  candidate.  At  the  joint  meeting  of  the  two 


356  The  LIFE  of  J.  CLANCY  JONES 

branches  of  the  Legislature  seven  Democrats 
voted  for  Mr.  Foster,  and  three  Democrats  cast 
their  votes  directly  for  Mr.  Cameron,  the  Repub 
lican  candidate,  thus  securing  his  election  and 
the  defeat  of  Mr.  Forney.  From  this  it  would 
seem  clear  that  Mr.  Forney  and  his  friends  did 
not  represent  the  sentiment  of  the  people  of  Penn 
sylvania.  Discredited  as  he  was  by  this  defeat, 
he  was  not  in  a  position  to  speak  for  them.  Even 
with  the  powerful  aid  of  a  Democratic  President, 
he  was  not  able  to  get  the  endorsement  of  a  Demo 
cratic  Legislature.  He  was  not  the  choice  of  the 
party,  and  the  opposition  of  ten  Democratic 
members  of  the  Legislature  was  so  intense  that 
they  set  at  naught  the  mandate  of  the  party 
caucus  in  order  to  defeat  him. 

Mr.  Forney  was  not  the  type  of  man  either  by 
education,  training,  or  ability  to  worthily  repre 
sent  the  great  State  of  Pennsylvania  in  the  Senate 
of  the  United  States,  and  his  nomination  was  one 
of  Mr.  Buchanan's  mistakes — a  mistake  which 
cost  the  Democratic  party  the  United  States  Sena- 
torship.  He  was  a  shrewd  and  crafty  politician, 
nothing  more,  and  his  attacks  upon  Mr.  Jones 
both  in  his  methods  and  his  abuse  were  those  of 
a  man  of  that  calibre.  He  displayed  all  the  bitter 
ness  and  hatred  of  an  envious,  disappointed  man, 
and  the  bitterness  of  his  nature  was  greatly  inten 
sified  by  his  crushing  defeat  for  the  Senate.  In 
a  few  months  he  became  the  bitter  enemy  and 
assailant  of  Mr.  Buchanan,  who  had  been  his  life- 


MR.  BUCHANAN'S  CABINET  357 

long  patron  and  friend,  and  left  the  Democratic 
party  for  the  ranks  of  its  enemies. 

The  following  letter  from  the  Hon.  John  Coch- 
rane,  a  member  of  Congress  from  the  city  of  New 
York,  furnishes  further  insight  into  this  political 
intrigue  that  was  going  on  in  Pennsylvania  to 
prevent  Mr.  Jones'  selection  for  the  Cabinet.  Mr. 
Dean  Richmond  was  chairman  of  the  Democratic 
State  Committee  of  New  York. 


NEW  YORK,  February  i8th,  '57. 
MY  DEAR  SIR: 

Mr.  Dean  Richmond  has  just  returned  from  Wheat- 
land,  where  he  had  an  interview  with  Mr.  Buchanan. 
He  stated  to  him  the  satisfaction  which  your  selection 
for  a  place  in  the  Cabinet  would  give  to  us  in  New 
York.  Mr.  Buchanan  stated  that  there  was  a  similar 
political  fight  in  Penna.  to  the  one  that  has  so  long 
continued  in  New  York,  and  that  your  opponents, 
Magraw,  Plumer,  and  Forney,  are  anxious  that  Penna. 
shall  be  passed  over  and  Thomson  be  taken  from  New 
Jersey.  Mr.  Richmond  told  him  that  he  thought  that 
it  would  be  thought  strangely  of,  if  he  could  not  select 
a  man  from  either  of  the  three  great  States  of  Penna., 
Ohio,  or  New  York. 

I  write  this  for  your  information.     I  suppose,  how 
ever,  you  are  already  well  informed  on  the  subject. 
The  Walker  men  are  confident  of  his  selection. 
Truly  Yours, 

JOHN  COCHRANE. 

HON.  J.  GLANCY  JONES. 


358  The  LIFE  of  J.  CLANCY  JONES 

It  also  appears  from  this  letter,  and  from  the 
letter  of  Mr.  May  hereafter  printed  on  page  367, 
that  the  adjoining  States  of  New  York  and  Mary 
land  were  for  Mr.  Jones'  appointment. 

Two  weeks  before  his  inauguration  Mr.  Buchanan 
wrote  the  following  letter  to  Mr.  Jones : 

WHEATLAND,  17  February,  1857. 
MY  DEAR  SIR: 

I  have  reserved  the  question  of  your  appointment 
to  a  seat  in  the  Cabinet  until  the  latest  hour,  hoping, 
as  I  anxiously  wished  and  desired,  that  public  opinion 
in  Pennsylvania  might  justify  my  choice.  I  have  seen 
and  conversed  with  many  substantial  Democrats  from 
the  interior  in  no  manner  sympathizing  with  your 
opponents  in  Philadelphia,  and  have  earnestly  sought 
a  response  in  your  favor  for  the  Cabinet ;  but  in  vain. 
Upon  the  whole,  I  have  arrived  at  the  conclusion  that 
the  interests  of  my  administration  in  this  State,  as 
well  as  your  own  interest  and  comfort,  especially  in  view 
of  the  terrific  contest  we  may  expect  in  October,  will 
deprive  me  of  your  valuable  services  in  the  Cabinet. 
I  have  most  reluctantly  arrived  at  this  conclusion.  It 
happens,  however,  fortunately,  that  Governor  Vroom 
has  forwarded  me  his  resignation,  and  expressed  a 
strong  desire  that  I  should  send  out  his  successor  to 
Berlin  as  speedily  as  possible.  It  is  therefore  my  pur 
pose  to  present  your  name  to  the  Senate  for  that  highly 
respectable  and  important  foreign  mission  immediately 
after  my  Cabinet  shall  have  been  confirmed ;  and  per 
mit  me  here  to  add  that  I  think  your  mind  and  quali 
ties  are  admirably  adapted  to  that  branch  of  the  public 
service. 


MR.  BUCHANAN'S  CABINET  359 

I  have  finally  determined  on  all  the  members  of  the 
Cabinet  except  the  Attorney-General;  and  it  may  be 
desirable  under  all  the  circumstances  that  I  should 
appoint  Judge  Black  to  that  place.  Would  you  object 
to  this  appointment,  should  I  deem  it  advisable?  I 
should  certainly  appoint  no  other  person  than  him 
from  Pennsylvania. 

With  sentiments  of  enduring  esteem  and  friendship, 
I  remain, 

Yours  truly, 

JAMES  BUCHANAN. 

HON.  J.  GLANCY  JONES. 

This  letter  was  delivered  to  Mr.  Jones  by  Mr. 
John  Appleton,  who  communicated  his  impres 
sions  to  Mr.  Buchanan  in  the  following  letter: 

WASHINGTON,  Feb.  igth,  '57. 
MY  DEAR  SIR: 

I  have  just  left  our  friend  Mr.  Jones,  &  have  only 
time  before  the  cars  leave  to  write  you  a  few  lines. 
He  is  unwell  from  the  prevalent  disorder.  After  talk 
ing  with  him  a  while,  I  communicated  what  your  im 
pressions  &  probable  decisions  were,  &  gave  him  your 
letter.  He  seemed  to  think,  at  first,  that  it  would  be 
an  awful  sacrifice  of  him,  &  might  injure  you;  & 
couldn't  conceive  (he  said)  how  he  could  go  abroad. 
But  occasionally  he  gave  other  intimations  in  response 
to  what  I  said.  I  will  see  him  again  this  evening,  & 
will  then  write  you.  Public  opinion  here  was  united 
on  him  pretty  well,  &  the  published  Cabinet,  I  am  told, 
is  favorably  rec'd. 


360  The  LIFE  of  J.  CLANCY  JONES 

Mr.  Guy  says  that  Jones  is  the  only  case  now  in  the 
House,  &  earnestly  hopes  you  may  be  able  to  have 
rooms  with  him. 

In  great  haste,  very  resp'ly  &  truly, 

JOHN  APPLETON. 
HON.  JAMES  BUCHANAN. 

At  the  time  this  letter  was  handed  to  Mr.  Jones, 
he  was  prostrated  by  a  severe  and  painful  illness 
at  the  National  Hotel,  Washington.  He,  with 
many  others,  was  the  victim  of  a  violent  epidemic 
that  was  then  known  throughout  the  country  as 
the  " National  Hotel  disease."  On  the  following 
day  he  addressed  the  following  reply  to  Mr. 
Buchanan: 

Ho.  REPS.,  2oth  Feb.  1857. 
MY  DEAR  SIR: 

Your  letter  of  the  iyth  shocked  me,  for  a  moment, 
by  its  surprise.  It  was  not  necessary  for  you  to  decide 
this  question;  a  simple  intimation  that  opposing  ele 
ments  of  our  own  State  embarrassed  you  in  relation  to 
my  appointment  would  have  brought  a  prompt  release, 
in  the  withdrawal  of  my  name ;  which  I  do  now  most 
cheerfully,  to  relieve  you  from  all  embarrassment. 
God  grant  it  may  prove  so ;  I  fear  it  will  not.  All  the 
eloquence  that  you  &  I  can  use  can  never  persuade  the 
people  that  the  influence  which  in  the  eleventh  hour 
has  stricken  me  down  has  not  its  origin  in  the  Forney 
clique,  Judge  Black  being  only  Forney's  second  self, 
&  just  as  well  known  to  have  been  intriguing  for  him 
self  as  Forney,  &  he  it  is  who  sends  the  men  of  the 


MR.  BUCHANAN'S  CABINET  361 

interior  to  say  I  would  not  be  acceptable,  but  Judge 
Black  would  be.  I  enter  my  undying  protest  against 
his  appointment.  If  you  regard  me,  do  me  the  simple 
act  of  justice,  in  reliance  on  your  own  assurance:  pass 
my  State,  so  that  my  enemies  may  not  have  a  double 
triumph.  The  evil  I  apprehend  is,  that  the  whole 
country  will  regard  this  as  a  simple  repetition  of  the 
influence  which  governed  the  Senatorial  choice.  No 
mortal  man  can  convince  the  Democracy  of  thirty 
States  that  I  can  be  so  odious  in  my  own  State  as  not 
to  be  acceptable  to  it  when  I  am  acceptable  to  all 
them,  &  no  man  can  believe  that  he  who  can  for  the 
fourth  time  command  6000  maj.  in  Berks,  &  command 
the  approval  of  the  country  in  his  political  positions, 
can  be  an  offensive  man  to  the  people.  It  will  be 
everywhere,  &  is  now  in  the  streets  here,  ascribed  to 
Forney's  clique,  &  Forney's  clique,  say  they,  is  then 
to  rule.  You  are  to  be  the  judge  of  all  this,  &  to  you 
I  leave  it.  I  cannot  deny  my  fears,  nor  can  I  ascribe 
my  defeat  to  any  other  agency  than  this  clique .  Hav 
ing  thus  relieved  you  from  all  embarrassment  about 
myself  as  to  the  Cabinet,  &  adding  now  that  I  shall 
remain  your  true  &  steadfast  friend,  &  will  support  you 
politically  &  personally  (for  I  exempt  you  from  all 
other  motives  than  that  of  sincere  friendship  to  me), 
it  is  but  proper  I  should  add  that  my  mind  is  fixed  to 
accept  of  no  appointment  in  your  gift  at  home  or 
abroad.  I  shall  stand  your  disinterested  friend  in  the 
H.  Reps,  as  the  member  from  Berks,  &  as  forbearance 
has  ceased  to  be  a  virtue  with  these  men  who  want  my 
blood,  all  of  whom  I  have  served  in  my  day,  I  will 
meet  them  face  to  face  before  the  country,  as  your 
false  friends.  I  can  wait  four  years,  &  then  let  Penna. 


362  The  LIFE  of  J.  CLANCY  JONES 

and  the  country  decide  between  me  &  my  accusers. 
In  this  determination  here  my  friends  are  an  enthu 
siastic  unit.  I  know  I  shall  be  sustained  by  f-ths  of  the 
M.  C.'s  elected  from  my  own  State  &  by  -J-ths  of  her 
honest  masses.  My  enemies,  driven  out  of  Berks  by 
their  cry  of  unpopularity,  have  retreated  to  the  interior ; 
I  must  &  will  meet  them  there.  They  concede  my 
diplomatic  talents — because  I  am  yielding  to  the  last 
extremity.  It  is  time  I  should  show  them  my  skill  in 
leadership  in  a  Dem.  H.  Reps.,  where  my  position  will 
entitle  me  to  the  part  of  head  of  a  leading  committee ; 
I  fear  not  the  result.  These  men  in  their  envious 
malignity  have  not  spared  my  private  character  in 
secret  assaults.  This  is  a  dangerous  game  for  them, 
but  I  shall  return  their  attacks  in  public.  As  your 
friend,  then,  it  is  my  mission  to  rid  you  of  this  cursed 
incubus,  as  I  view  it,  &  I'll  try,  if  I  perish  in  the  attempt. 
Very  truly  yours, 

J.  GLANCY  JONES. 

P.  S.  I  am  sure  you  will  not  let  my  friends  in  Penna. 
be  struck  down  by  this  Phil,  clique  in  consequence  of 
my  yielding. 

J.  G.  J. 

The  solicitude  which  was  felt  in  this  delicate 
matter  both  by  Mr.  Buchanan  and  by  his  mediator, 
Mr.  Appleton,  is  shown  by  the  following  letter, 
written  by  the  latter  at  that  time: 

WASHINGTON,  Feb.  20,  1857. 
MY  DEAR  SIR: 

I  write  this  in  Jones's  room.  He  has  just  read  me 
his  letter  to  you.  His  conversation  is  much  more 


MR.  BUCHANAN'S  CABINET  363 

friendly  than  the  letter.  He  is  really  averse  to  going 
abroad.  His  family  do  not  like  it.  But  he  submits 
very  gracefully  to  your  wishes,  except  as  to  Judge 
Black.  I  think  he  will  not  ask  you  to  change  your 
determination  as  to  himself,  but  has  made  up  his  mind 
to  make  no  point  on  the  subject  whatever.  It  might 
be  well  now,  it  seems  to  me,  in  order  to  prevent  all 
appearance  of  any  rupture,  to  have  Jones  at  Wheat- 
land  for  a  few  days,  &  come  with  you  to  Washington. 
You  may  change  some  of  his  views,  if  you  desire,  tho' 
I  think  he  has  no  sort  of  hostility  now,  &  will  support 
you  as  warmly  as  ever.  Unless  you  write  me  to  the 
contrary,  I  shall  suggest  to  Jones  this  visit. 

Still  in  haste,  for  I  am  again  writing  just  at  four 
o'clock, 

Very  truly  yours, 

JOHN  APPLETON. 

HON.  JAMES  BUCHANAN. 

A  few  days  later  the  following  letter  was  received 
by  Mr.  Jones  from  Mr.  Buchanan,  showing  that 
the  incident  had  not  disturbed  the  friendly  personal 
relations  between  those  gentlemen: 

Sunday  night,  22  Feb.,  1857. 
MY  DEAR  SIR: 

I  send  you  the  enclosed  letters  for  Mr.  Apple  ton. 
Your  letter  and  the  whole  affair  have  given  me  very 
great  pain.  I  know  not  whom  to  select.  Can  you 
help  me?  In  one  thing  I  know  you  are  mistaken: 
Black  is  not  under  the  influence  of  the  coterie  in  Phila 
delphia  as  you  suppose.  If  it  were  not  so  important 
that  you  should  be  in  Washington  during  the  present 


364  The  LIFE  of  J.  CLANCY  JONES 

week,  I  should  like  very  much  to  see  you  here  and  show 
you  my  Inaugural.  I  do  not  intend  to  reach  Washing 
ton  before  Monday,  the  2nd  of  March.  Perhaps  you 
might  run  off  for  a  day. 

Always  and  under  all  circumstances  your  friend, 

JAMES  BUCHANAN. 

HON.  MR.  JONES. 

To  which  Mr.  Jones  sent  the  following  reply: 

MONUMENT  HOUSE,  BALTO.,  25  Feb.,  '57. 
MY  DEAR  SIR: 

I  rec'd  your  favor  yesterday  just  as  I  was  beating 
a  retreat  to  Balto.  in  pursuit  of  a  little  quiet,  to  repair 
the  damages  of  a  rather  serious  attack.  I  am  recover 
ing  fast,  &  the  disease  has  been  arrested  for  several 
days.  If  I  continue  to  improve,  I  will  make  the  effort 
to  see  you  at  Wheatland  by  Saturday;  if  not,  you 
will  know  the  cause.  My  heart  &  any  amount  of  cour 
age  I  can  command  are  ready  to  help  you  at  any  time  ; 
so  my  judgment.  But  as  I  can  suggest  no  name  in  or 
out  of  Penna.  which  would  serve  you  with  greater  zeal 
&  fidelity  than  him  who  has  been  your  own  choice,  & 
as  public  opinion  seems  so  generally  to  concur  in  this, 
I  know  not  what  to  suggest  to  you ;  if  I  am  wrong,  my 
judgment  fails  me,  &  is  not  to  be  relied  on. 
Truly  Yours, 

J.  GLANCY  JONES. 

HON.  JAMES  BUCHANAN. 

Mr.  Jones,  as  we  have  seen,  promptly  put  aside 
the  whole  question  of  his  selection  for  the  Cabinet, 
with  perfect  unselfishness  and  personal  unconcern, 


MR.  BUCHANAN'S  CABINET  365 

// 
as  soon  as  he  had  recovered  from  the  surprise  Mr. 

Buchanan's  letter  caused  him.  The  intrigue 
against  him  had  been  so  secretly  carried  on,  in 
the  face  of  an  almost  universal  sentiment  in  his 
favor,  that  Mr.  Buchanan's  letter  came  to  him 
with  something  of  a  shock.  But  it  was  not  so 
with  his  friends,  who  recognized  the  fitness  of 
his  appointment,  and  realized  the  loss  the  public 
service  would  sustain.  Public  opinion  had  settled 
down  into  such  a  satisfied  conviction  that  the 
country  was  to  have  the  benefit  of  Mr.  Jones'  ser 
vices  in  the  new  Cabinet,  that  his  friends  were  not 
willing  that  it  should  be  deprived  of  them  by  the 
artful  work  of  a  few  designing  and  intriguing  poli 
ticians.  They  were  not  prepared  to  accept  sub 
missively  the  new  turn  affairs  had  taken.  His 
friends  protested  violently  against  it. 

The  feeling  in  Washington  was  thus  described 
in  the  "Evening  Star": 

But  one  thing  can  be  more  universally  regretted 
among  them;  and  that  is  that  the  condition  of  the 
party  spirit  in  Pennsylvania  some  time  since  induced 
Mr.  J.  Glancy  Jones  also  to  decline.  We  never  saw 
such  intense  excitement  manifested  among  the  Demo 
cratic  members  of  both  Houses  on  such  a  subject  as 
when  that  fact  became  known  here. 

The  compliment  to  Mr.  Jones  involved  in  that  mem 
orable  display  of  feeling  among  such  a  class  of  men, 
and  unanimous  as  it  was,  without  distinction  of  sec 
tion  or  views  upon  questions  on  which  it  is  allowable 
for  Democrats  to  differ,  was  in  itself  a  testimonial  to 


366  The  LIFE  of  J.  CLANCY  JONES 

the  high  personal  and  political  standing  of  Mr.  Jones 
among  his  peers,  conveying  also  a  tacit  acknowledg 
ment  of  the  great  value  of  his  services  to  the  Demo 
cratic  cause,  such  as  he  may  well  cherish  to  the  day  of 
his  death,  and  his  children  after  him. 

A  paper  was  addressed  to  Mr.  Buchanan, 
signed  by  nearly  all  the  Democratic  members  of 
the  Pennsylvania  Legislature,  insisting  upon  Mr. 
Jones'  appointment,  and  remonstrances  poured 
in  upon  Mr.  Buchanan  from  many  other  sources. 
The  following  communication  was  sent  to  Mr. 
Buchanan  by  some  of  Mr.  Jones'  most  prominent 
constituents  : 

READING,  Feb.  25,  1857. 
To  His  EXCELLENCY  JAMES  BUCHANAN: 

The  undersigned  Democrats  of  Berks  County  have 
perceived  with  deep  regret  by  the  public  prints  that 
our  distinguished  friend  and  citizen,  J.  Glancy  Jones, 
has  written  to  you  requesting  for  certain  reasons  not 
to  be  called  to  your  Cabinet. 

The  fact,  derived  from  the  same  source,  that  you 
have  requested  him  to  reconsider  this  determination 
assures  us  of  your  appreciation  of  his  services  and  of 
those  of  his  immediate  constituents,  and  we  trust  that 
you  will  not  permit  his  keen  sensibility  to  conflict  with 
your  views  of  his  fitness,  and  our  ardent  desire  that  he 
should  receive  and  accept  the  appointment. 

W.  STRONG,  PHILIP  K.  MILLER, 

JOHN  MILLER,  F.  MUHLENBERG  HIESTER, 

J.  HAGENMAN,  JAC.  M.  SALLADE, 


MR.  BUCHANAN'S  CABINET 


367 


BENJAMIN  TYSON, 
ANDW.  M.  SALLADE, 
GEO.  SMITH, 
WILLIAM  ARNOLD, 
HENRY  R.  HAWMAN, 
LEWIS  R.  WUNDER, 
JACOB  K.  MCKENTY, 
DANIEL  POTTEIGER, 
JOSIAH  HEARING, 
E.  H.  BROCKWAY, 
SAMUEL  SUMMERS, 
GEO.  GEUTHER, 
GEO.  ZICHTHORN, 
JOHN  Y.  CUMMINS, 
G.  W.  GEIGER, 
HIESTER  CLYMER, 

W. 


LEVI  WUNDER, 
WM.  M.  HIESTER, 
MICHL.  K.  BOYER, 
CHARLES  H.  FRITZ, 
H.  L.  MILLER, 
HENRY  W.  SMITH, 
WM.  KEEN, 
C.  H.  HUNTER, 
J.  H.  HAIN, 
LEWIS  BRINER, 
AARON  RITTER, 
GEO.  ZIEBER, 
FRANCIS  ROLAND, 
JOHN  SCHAEFER,  tailor, 
EPHRAIM  ARMSTRONG, 
WM.  B.  SCHOENER, 
C.  HAYS. 


Without  multiplying  correspondence,  it  is  safe 
to  say  that  public  sentiment  upon  this  subject 
was  fairly  expressed  in  the  following  letter  written 
by  the  Hon.  Henry  May,  a  distinguished  member 
of  Congress  from  Baltimore: 

BALT.,  February  25th,  1857. 
MY  DEAR  SIR: 

I  am  extremely  sorry  to  hear  of  your  serious  indis 
position,  and  the  more  especially  at  this  time  when 
your  counsels  .are  so  much  needed  for  the  good  of  the 
country.  Nothing,  of  course,  can  be  so  important  to 
our  new  President  for  his  own  fame  or  the  prosperity 
of  our  Government  as  the  judicious  selection  of  his 
Cabinet. 


368  The  LIFE  of  J.  CLANCY  JONES 

It  is  Mr.  Buchanan's  double  misfortune  to  be  denied, 
as  it  seems,  the  privilege  of  selecting  you  as  one  of  his 
constitutional  advisers,  and  at  the  same  time  to  lose 
by  sickness  the  benefit  of  your  advice,  perhaps,  in 
selecting  others  who  are  to  hold  that  relation  to  him. 
I  beg  leave,  my  dear  sir,  to  say  that  considering  your 
devoted  and  long-tried  friendship,  as  well  as  your 
personal  &  public  character,  I  view  these  results  as  a 
public  misfortune. 

I  was  made  aware  that  a  strong  opposition  had  been 
manifested  against  you,  but  I  was  not  prepared  to 
expect  that  you  would  acknowledge  its  influence,  and 
felt  sure  that  Mr.  Buchanan  would  not  yield  to  it. 
So  far  as  I  can  learn,  it  has  not  deserved  the  importance 
which  it  seems  you  have  given  to  it,  by  denying  the 
wishes  of  your  friends  so  unanimously  claiming  for 
you  a  seat  in  his  Cabinet. 

I  think  this  is  a  time  when  true  and  trusted  friends 
should  be  near  our  President.  I  have  unbounded  con 
fidence  in  him,  but  no  living  man  can  alone  manage  the 
affairs  of  this  great  Republic. 

I  feel  a  profound  apprehension  that  our  Union  may 
not  last  many  years  longer,  and  I  believe  that  its 
continuance  in  peace  and  harmony  perhaps  for  five 
years  to  come  will  depend  upon  the  wisdom  of  the 
new  administration. 

Who  among  all  that  he  could  select  would  more 
sincerely  consult,  than  yourself,  both  Mr.  Buchanan's 
reputation  and  the  welfare  of  the  country?  We  deeply 
regretted  that  you  declined  going  into  the  Cabinet, 
but  we  are  gratified  with  the  hope  that  Mr.  Buchanan 
will,  notwithstanding  this,  claim  your  services.  And 
I  write  this  letter  to  beg  that  you  will  yield  to  the 


MR.  BUCHANAN'S  CABINET  369 

wishes  of  your  friends,  his  desire,  and  retract  your 
former  declension. 

What  public  man  has  not  his  enemies?  I  am  sure 
yours  are  fewer  than  most  men  can  number,  consider 
ing  the  period  of  your  public  life.  I  wish  only  to  add 
that  all  Mr.  Buchanan's  friends  in  Maryland  have 
hailed  with  great  satisfaction  the  prospect  of  your 
being  in  his  Cabinet.  I  know  this,  because  I  have 
heard  them  from  all  parts  of  our  State  declare  so. 
Then  let  me  again  entreat  you,  if  it  be  not  too  late,  to 
gratify  our  wishes.  I  am  truly  happy  to  learn  that 
your  health  is  now  improving.  My  own  is  so  much 
impaired,  and  I  am  just  now  so  suffering  from  the 
disease  in  my  throat,  that  I  rarely  leave  home.  I 
hope,  however,  to  be  able  to  go  to  Washington  in  a 
day  or  two.  In  the  mean  time, 

I  am  truly  your  friend, 

HENRY  MAY. 

HON.  J.  GLANCY  JONES. 

The  following  extract  from  a  letter  written  by 
Senator  Bigler  of  Pennsylvania  to  Mr.  Buchanan, 
dated  Washington,  D.  C.,  February  22,  1857, 
further  shows  the  state  of  feeling  that  existed  in 
that  city : 

It  is  due  to  say  to  you  that  there  is  much  feeling 
here  for  Mr.  Jones,  &  he  should  be  handled  very  kindly. 
If  he  cannot  go  into  the  Cabinet,  no  man  should  be 
placed  over  him  from  the  State.  Such  a  result  would 
be  very  severe  upon  him,  after  all  that  has  occurred. 
You  know  I  refrained  from  manifesting  desires  on  this 
point.  I  have  not  advocated  Mr.  J.,  but  his  selection 

VOL.  1—24 


370  The  LIFE  of  J.  CLANCY  JONES 

would  be  entirely  satisfactory.     My  judgment  &  feel 
ings  are  clearly  with  him  as  against  Judge  Black. 

At  this  juncture,  Mr.  C.  L.  Ward,  of  Bradford 
County,  Pennsylvania,  was  sent  by  Mr.  Buchanan 
on  a  mission  to  Mr.  Jones  while  he  was  convales 
cing  after  his  severe  illness,  at  Guy's  Hotel  in 
Baltimore.  This  mission  was  not  entirely  suc 
cessful.  Mr.  Jones  at  first  considered  the  whole 
matter  from  a  personal  standpoint  only,  and  so 
far  as  he  was  personally  concerned  had  concluded 
not  to  give  the  matter  further  thought.  But 
when  he  learned  the  effect  Mr.  Buchanan's  action 
had  produced  upon  the  public  mind  and  upon  his 
personal  friends,  he  realized  that  the  matter  had 
passed  far  beyond  its  personal  relation  to  himself, 
and  affected  the  interests  of  the  public  and  his 
personal  and  political  friends.  He  therefore  felt 
it  to  be  his  duty  to  place  himself  entirely  in  the 
hands  of  his  friends.  He  referred  Mr.  Ward  to 
them,  and  wrote  the  following  letter  to  Mr. 
Buchanan : 

BALTO.,  26th  Feb.,  1857. 
MY  DEAR  SIR: 

I  had  a  long  interview  with  Mr.  Ward,  &  expressed 
to  him  my  ardent  desire  to  do  anything  to  gratify 
you ;  but  that  to  withdraw  my  name  from  the  Cabinet 
&  assent  to  Judge  Black  without  the  consent  &  con 
currence  of  my  Berks  friends  would  dishonor  me  &  ruin 
me  in  the  estimation  of  my  own  people.  All  he  had 
to  do  was  to  meet  my  friends  in  Harrisburg  &  take 


MR.  BUCHANAN'S  CABINET  371 

them  to  see  you,  &  whatever  they  agreed  to  I  would 
stand  by.  Col.  Ward  told  me  he  was  satisfied  &  would 
see  my  friends.  I  must  most  earnestly  solicit  your 
attention  to  my  delicate  position.  I  will  not  assent 
to  anything  without  the  assent  of  my  constituents, 
who  now  have  a  deep  feeling  on  this  subject.  With 
their  concurrence,  I  care  not  much  what  is  done  with 
me.  I  am  the  more  emphatic  now  because  my  latest 
information  is  that  my  people  are  very  adverse  indeed, 
&  would  cast  their  censure  on  me  for  volunteering  to 
compromise  them. 

Truly  yours, 

J.  GLANCY  JONES. 

A  few  days  later  Mr.  Jones  received  the  follow 
ing  personal  appeal  from  Mr.  Buchanan: 

WHEATLAND,  28  Feb.,  1857. 
MY  DEAR  SIR: 

I  have  received  your  favor  of  the  26th  instant  by 
Mr.  Lauman.  The  mission  of  Mr.  Ward,  undertaken 
from  the  purest  motives  of  warm  personal  and  political 
friendship  for  yourself,  having  failed,  it  now  becomes 
my  duty  to  ascertain  whether  you  will  release  me  from 
my  promise  not  to  appoint  a  Cabinet  officer  from  Penn 
sylvania,  if  I  should  not  deem  it  proper  to  appoint 
yourself.  This  is  a  matter  purely  between  ourselves, 
with  which  no  third  persons  have  any  right  to  interfere . 
Let  me  beseech  you  earnestly  to  weigh  the  gravity  of 
your  decision  on  this  point  and  the  consequences  which 
may  result  from  it,  before  it  shall  be  finally  made. 
From  your  friend,  very  respectfully, 

JAMES  BUCHANAN-, 

HON.  J.  GLANCY  JONES. 


372  The  LIFE  of  J.  CLANCY  JONES 

With  that  magnanimity  and  unselfishness  which 
had  characterized  Mr.  Jones'  whole  conduct  in 
this  proceeding,  he  promptly  and  cheerfully  re 
leased  Mr.  Buchanan  from  his  promise,  and  Jere 
miah  S.  Black,  of  Pennsylvania,  was  appointed 
Attorney-General  in  Mr.  Buchanan's  Cabinet. 

This  brought  this  matter  down  to  within  two 
days  of  Mr.  Buchanan's  inauguration. 

The  pressure  that  had  changed  Mr.  Buchanan's 
mind  in  relation  to  Mr.  Jones'  appointment  to  the 
Cabinet  was  the  same  insidious  pressure  which  in 
fluenced  him  to  favor  Mr.  Forney's  choice  for  the 
United  States  Senate,  and  the  consequences  were 
the  same  in  both  cases.  In  view  of  the  disastrous 
fate  which  befel  this  Cabinet  toward  the  close  of 
Mr.  Buchanan's  administration,  the  result  of  this 
controversy  over  his  appointment  to  a  seat  in  the 
Cabinet  may  be  considered  as  rather  a  fortunate 
circumstance  in  Mr.  Jones'  public  life. 

It  is  not  worth  while  now  to  speculate  upon  the 
influence  Mr.  Jones  might  have  exercised  had  he 
been  a  member  of  this  Cabinet  at  the  time  these 
troubles  came,  but  the  confidence  the  people  of  the 
South  had  in  him,  and  the  respect  they  had  always 
shown  for  him,  justify  the  conclusion  that  his  pres 
ence  there  at  the  time  that  most  momentous  crisis 
came  might  at  least  have  made  easier  many  of  the 
stormy  situations  with  which  the  closing  scenes  of 
that  unfortunate  administration  were  beset. 

Mr.  Buchanan,  in  reviewing  this  incident  nearly 
two  years  later,  after  Mr.  Jones'  defeat  for  Con- 


MR.  BUCHANAN'S  CABINET  373 

gress  in  the  political  revulsion  in  the  North  which 
followed  the  Kansas-Nebraska  controversy,  wrote 
to  his  niece,  Miss  Lane,  at  Philadelphia,  under 
date  of  October  i5th,  1858,  as  follows: 

The  conspirators  against  poor  Jones  have  at  length 
succeeded  in  hunting  him.  down.  Ever  since  my  election 
the  hounds  have  been  in  pursuit  of  him.  I  now  deeply 
regret- — but  I  shall  say  no  more.  With  the  blessing  of 
Providence  I  shall  endeavor  to  raise  him  up  and  place 
him  in  some  position  where  they  cannot  reach  him. 

In  the  interior  of  the  State  the  tariff  was  the  damag 
ing  question,  and  in  defeating  Jones  the  iron  interest 
have  prostrated  a  man  who  could  render  them  more 
service  than  all  the  Republican  Representatives  from 
Pennsylvania.  He  will  be  a  loss  to  the  whole  country 
in  the  House  of  Representatives.1 

This  letter  can  only  be  regarded  as  a  confession 
by  Mr.  Buchanan  that  he  had  been  grossly  at 
fault  in  his  estimate  of  the  public  sentiment  in 
Pennsylvania  upon  the  subject  of  Mr.  Jones' 
selection  for  the  Cabinet,  and  grossly  deceived 
by  the  sapient  politicians  who  had  intimidated 
and  misled  him,  because  of  the  danger  they  saw 
to  themselves  and  their  schemes  in  Mr.  Jones' 
appointment. 

Mr.  Jones  spent  the  following  summer  in  an 
extended  tour  through  the  West,  where  he  was 
the  recipient  of  marked  attention  and  hospitality 
from  the  leading  men  of  that  section. 

i  "Life  of  Buchanan,"  by  George  Ticknor  Curtis,  II.  241. 


CHAPTER  XX. 

Speech  of  Mr.  Jones,  at  Bloomsburg,  Pennsylvania,  in  support 
of  General  William  F.  Packer,  the  Democratic  candidate  for 
Governor. 

ATER  his  return  from  the  West,  Mr.  Jones 
made   several   speeches   throughout    the 
State  of  Pennsylvania  in  support  of  Gen 
eral  William  F.  Packer,  the  Democratic  candidate 
for  Governor.     Among  them  was  the  following, 
delivered   by   him   at   Bloomsburg,   in   Columbia 
County,  October  2,  1857: 

After  referring  to  the  fearful  issues  of  the  campaign 
of  1856,  and  the  feverish  excitement  of  the  country  as 
contrasted  with  the  current  campaign,  and  ascribing 
it  to  the  fact  that  the  people  in  the  calm  exercise  of 
their  enlightened  judgment  have  become  satisfied  that 
the  position  taken  by  the  Democratic  party  was  right, 
Mr.  Jones  briefly  reviewed  the  acts  of  the  administra 
tion  of  Mr.  Buchanan,  as  far  as  it  has  advanced,  noting 
the  cordial  approval  it  everywhere  elicited,  the  con 
fidence  reposed  in  the  President  by  the  people  of  the 
whole  country;  their  implicit  reliance  on  his  integrity, 
patriotism,  and  comprehensive  knowledge  of  all  the 
relations  of  the  Government  at  home  and  abroad ;  and 
in  alluding  to'  the  fact  of  the  President  having  inflexi 
bly  determined  not  to  be  a  candidate  for  a  second 
term,  said  he  would  be  thus  enabled  more  disinterest- 

374 


SPEECH  at  BLOOMSBURG  375 

edly  to  devote  himself  to  the  faithful  execution  of  his 
high  trust  during  the  four  years  of  his  present  term. 
Under  these  circumstances  a  cordial  support  of  the 
party  in  the  same  liberal  spirit,  at  least  in  the  35th 
Congress,  was  justly  due  him,  that  the  House  should 
be  so  organized  by  the  Democrats  in  Congress,  as  to 
give  the  President  ample  means  and  power  to  unfold 
his  policy  to  the  country,  leaving  it  thus  for  the  people 
to  decide  for  or  against  it,  according  to  the  dictates  of 
their  judgment;  the  thirty-sixth  Congress  affording 
ample  time  and  opportunity,  for  those  who  may  wish, 
to  look  after  the  succession  in  1860.  To  Pennsylvania 
(on  whose  soil  Independence  and  the  Constitution  were 
first  declared  and  framed)  was  accorded  the  honor  of 
a  Presidential  candidate  for  a  national  Democracy 
united  to  a  man  on  him  and  the  principles  of  the 
party.  It  was  conceded  at  the  time  of  the  nomination, 
that  the  safety  of  the  Constitution  and  the  Union  might 
depend  upon  Pennsylvania.  Events  proved  this  ap 
prehension  to  be  true.  Our  proud  old  Commonwealth 
thus  rejoices  in  the  highest  possible  honor  of  saving 
the  country  under  the  leadership  of  her  own  dis 
tinguished  son. 

Having  thus  disposed  of  these  points,  Mr.  Jones 
proceeded  to  speak  of  national  questions. 

The  organic  law,  said  he,  of  our  government,  framed 
by  our  forefathers  in  an  eventful  crisis,  and  without 
the  lamp  of  experience  to  guide  them  in  the  imperish 
able  work  of  establishing  a  free  representative  govern 
ment  (in  which  all  the  elements  of  pure  Democracy 
should  be  secured  and  guaranteed  as  far  as  possible, 
under  a  representative  system,  with  checks  and  bal 
ances,  not  to  thwart  the  public  will,  but  simply  to 


376  The  LIFE  of  J.  CLANCY  JONES 

check  the  convulsive  upheavings  of  a  morbid  fanati 
cism  which  otherwise,  under  a  feverish,  temporary 
excitement,  might  pass  for  the  cool  deliberate  judg 
ment  of  the  people)  had  of  necessity  to  be  based  on 
compromises.  The  conflicting  opinions  and  interests 
of  the  inhabitants  of  thirteen  colonies — in  their  origin 
of  diverse  language,  religion  and  nationality — added, 
in  their  new  homes,  to  the  sporadic  diversity  of  soil, 
climate  and  facilities  for  commercial,  manufacturing, 
and  agricultural  pursuits,  suggested,  cotemporaneously 
with  the  idea  of  a  union  or  confederacy  of  these  colo 
nies,  the  irresistible  conviction  that  to  consummate  it 
a  compromise  must  be  effected,  so  as  to  bring  order 
out  of  these  confused  and  heterogeneous  materials. 
Taking  a  calm  and  practical  view  of  this  subject  at 
Albany,  in  1755,  when  the  confederated  colonies,  by 
their  representatives,  were  assembled  for  the  purpose 
of  combining  their  forces  against  their  common  ene 
mies — the  French  and  the  Indians — Benjamin  Frank 
lin,  a  representative  from  Pennsylvania,  declared  in  a 
letter  written  to  one  of  his  constituents,  "  that  a  union 
of  these  Colonies  was  an  impossibility!" 

To  use  a  figure  of  speech,  the  centrifugal  force  at 
that  day,  of  their  local  interests,  so  largely  prepon 
derated  over  any  supposed  advantages  that  might 
accrue  from  concentrated  or  combined  action,  that  "the 
idea  of  a  permanent,  stable  confederacy  was  deemed 
a  chimera.  Yet,  notwithstanding  all  this,  the  poten 
tial  influence  of  external  pressure,  the  rise  of  an  enemy 
in  the  British  Government  more  formidable  than  all 
their  other  enemies  combined,  did,  in  a  very  short 
time,  fuse  these  discordant  materials;  the  pressure  of 
necessity,  their  common  fears  and  common  hopes,  did 


SPEECH  at  BLOOMSBURG  377 

what  no  human  foresight  could  foretell  and  no  human 
reason  could  effect.  It  obliterated  their  local  and 
selfish  interests,  developed  a  noble,  self-sacrificing 
patriotism,  such  as  the  world  never  witnessed  before, 
and  in  a  few  years,  as  early  as  1774,  taught  the  world 
that  the  American  Colonies  reared  giants,  whose 
devotion  to  human  freedom  was  so  intense,  that  for 
its  achievement  and  maintenance,  when  the  exigency 
required  it,  they  would  sacrifice  every  thing,  not  ex 
cluding  their  lives  and  fortunes. 

It  was  this  same  spirit  which  ruled  the  councils  of 
the  frame rs  of  the  Constitution.  All  local  interests 
which  conflicted  with  the  freest  and  fullest  enjoyment 
of  combined  or  national  freedom,  were  discarded  by 
them,  and  all  others  were  so  compromised  in  this 
organic  law  as  to  insure  that  the  Government  would  last 
as  long  as  the  Constitution  should  be  revered,  its  authors 
respected,  and  its  provisions  observed  with  fidelity  by 
posterity. 

In  consequence  of  this  noble,  self-sacrificing  spirit 
of  compromise  in  the  Constitution,  when  it  was  abso 
lutely  essential  to  the  creation  of  our  present  form  of 
Government,  a  delusive,  morbid  sentiment  has  been 
engendered,  exhibiting  itself  at  various  periods  in  the 
history  of  our  government,  and  often  entertained  by 
good  men  animated  by  a  pure  love  of  country;  to  wit, 
that  because  our  government  was  founded  in  com 
promise  ,  it  is  always  to  be  conducted  in  compromise ; 
that  because,  impelled  by  necessity,  the  framers  of 
the  Constitution  had  to  compromise  interest,  not 
PRINCIPLES,  in  organizing  a  confederated  government 
in  order  to  secure  the  fullest  enjoyment  of  rational 
political  liberty,  and  a  position  in  the  family  of  nations, 


378  The  LIFE  of  ].  CLANCY  JONES 

which  would  guarantee  its  stability  and  perpetuity, 
the  consequence  is  that  we,  the  descendants  of  its 
founders,  must  in  our  legislative  action  be  ETERNALLY 
COMPROMISING;  and  other  extremists,  not  even  stop 
ping  at  principle,  or  recognizing  any  human  authority, 
would  invoke  a  HIGHER  LAW;  which  said  higher  law, 
being  the  dictate  of  private  judgment,  should  over 
rule  the  associated  political  judgment  of,  not  alone 
the  action  of  the  Confederacy  as  exhibited  in  its  Execu 
tive,  Judicial  and  Legislative  branches,  but  of  the 
people  themselves,  as  embodied  in  the  sober  dictates 
of  Constitutional  law,  the  highest  and  only  authority 
in  a  free  Government. 

This  is  the  fatal,  fruitful  source  of  all  the  exciting 
elements  of  discord  and  embittered  controversy,  agi 
tating  and  convulsing  the  social  fabric  at  different 
periods  of  our  history,  and  at  times  rocking  it  to  its 
very  foundation.  Had  our  fathers,  immediately  after 
the  adoption  of  the  Constitution,  established  the  prin 
ciple  unalterably  that  compromises  began  in  the  Con 
stitution  and  should  end  there,  we  never  should  have 
been  troubled  with  a  Bank  of  the  United  States,  pro 
tected  by  judicial  sanction;  a  Governmental  paper 
currency,  instead  of  a  Constitutional  treasury  system; 
a  protective  policy,  taxing  one  interest  to  support 
another;  a  Missouri  Compromise,  the  offspring  of 
assumed,  not  delegated  power  (no  matter  how  gener 
ally  acquiesced  in,  or  however  well  intended,  it  was 
outside  of  the  Constitution,  and  subsisted  thirty  years 
and  more  on  the  principle  of  " communis  error,"  and  a 
suspension  of  the  exercise  of  the  judicial  functions  of 
the  Government) ;  emissions  of  bills  of  credit,  commonly 
called  State  bonds  (held  valid  under  judicial  sanctions 


SPEECH  at  BLOOMSBURG  379 

on  the  spurious  doctrine  of  necessity,  common  consent, 
&c.,  all  outside  of  the  Constitution,  and  in  this  instance, 
in  the  very  teeth  of  that  venerable  instrument) ;  State 
charters,   authorizing  corporations   to   do   what   they 
acknowledge  they  have  no  constitutional  power  to  do 
themselves ;  and  the  surrender  of  that  sound  old  States 
Rights  doctrine,  that  the  State  in  the  exercise  of  her 
sovereign    power    under    a    Constitution,    which    she 
swears  her  Executive,  her  Legislature  and  her  Judi 
ciary  to  support,  will  deliver  up  fugitives  from  justice 
and  labor  without  waiting  for,  or  leaving  it  to  the 
General  Government  exclusively  to  exercise  this  power, 
delegated  to  it  in  the  Constitution  as  it  were  by  almost 
superhuman  foresight,  in  anticipation  of  a  degenerate 
age,    when   delinquent    States    might    wish   to    flinch 
from  the  honest  discharge  of  their  duty,  in  order  to 
cater  to  a  morbid  appetite  engendered  in  an  atmo 
sphere  of  higher  law  regime.     If  our  State  authorities, 
in  good  faith,  on  principles  of  humanity,  with  a  view 
to  prevent   kidnapping,   or  the   transmission  of  any 
person  of  color  out  of  the  limits  of  the  State,  unless 
he  was  clearly  proven  in  the  mode  appointed  by  law 
to  be  a  slave — if  in  this  benevolent  view  the  State 
authorities  would  themselves  investigate  and  deliver 
up,  in  all  cases  where  the  title  was  clear,  and  all  the 
States  were  assured  of  the  fact  that  the  Constitution 
and  the  law  would  be  faithfully  administered  in  each 
of  the  States  where  their  rights  were  involved,  what 
a  death  knell  it  would  be  to  the  vocation  of  the  Aboli 
tionist  and  the  agitator,  and  what  a  humane  shield 
it  would  throw  around  the  free  colored  population  of 
the  country.     But  the  doctrine  is  sanctioned  in  Priggs 
vs.  Commonwealth,  by  the  highest  judicial  authority, 


380  The  LIFE  of  J.  CLANCY  JONES 

and  to  this  authority  we  cheerfully  bow,  until,  perhaps, 
in  the  progress  of  constitutional  law,  it  may  be  deemed 
necessary  for  this  same  high  tribunal,  by  a  writ  of  error, 
or  some  other  process  equally  potential,  to  correct 
what  time  may  teach  were  early  errors,  resulting  from 
an  inexperience  in  the  working  machinery  of  a  new 
government.  Far  better  it  is,  however,  to  tolerate  in 
a  free  government  hoary-headed  error,  even  if  never 
corrected,  than  to  strike,  as  the  fashion  of  the  Repub 
licans  is  in  the  Dred  Scott  case,  at  the  root  of  the 
government  itself,  by  exciting  a  popular  clamor  against 
the  decrees  of  its  judiciary,  or  proclaiming  the  revolu 
tionary  dogma,  that  private  opinion  is  of  higher 
authority  in  a  political  compact  than  judicial  decision, 
and  that  a  good  citizen  may,  with  impunity,  in  the 
exercise  of  this  inherent  and  inalienable  right,  invoke 
the  popular  wrath  against  its  decrees  by  attacking  the 
motives  and  impeaching  the  character  of  its  Judges. 

To  this  delusive,  sickly  sentimentality  it  is,  in  my 
opinion,  we  owe  the  spirit  of  compromising  everything, 
so  rampant  in  our  country — a  spirit  which  has  engen 
dered  a  levity  and  political  licentiousness  from  which 
the  principles  of  the  Constitution  itself  are  not  even 
exempted. 

It  was  my  fortune  to  be  in  public  life  and  an  actor 
in  the  Nebraska  struggle,  from  the  beginning  to  the 
end — from  its  first  rough  draft,  in  which  the  Missouri 
line  was  not  named,  but  inferentially  made  void,  until 
the  final  settlement  of  its  meaning  and  true  construc 
tion  by  the  Executive  in  his  Inaugural,  the  Judiciary 
in  the  Dred  Scott  case,  and  finally,  by  that  incom 
parable  State  paper — the  reply  of  the  President  to  the 
letter  of  the  electors  of  Connecticut,  in  which,  among 


SPEECH  at  BLOOMSBURG  381 

other  things,  he  declares  it  to  be  mysterious  to  him 
that  any  other  construction  should  have  prevailed, 
than  the  one  given  by  the  Supreme  Court  in  the  Dred 
Scott  case  to  the  Constitution,  on  the  question  of  the 
time  when,  and  the  manner  how,  the  people  of  a  Terri 
tory  acquire  the  right  to  settle  the  question  of  slavery 
in  the  Territory. 

I  gave  my  cordial  and  hearty  support  to  this  bill, 
but  not  because  it  inaugurated  a  new  principle,  for  I 
believed  that  every  principle  contained  in  the  Nebraska 
bill  was  to  be  found  in  the  Constitution;  or  to  speak 
more  properly,  among  the  reserved  powers  of  the  States 
and  the  people,  not  delegated  to  the  general  govern 
ment  under  the  Constitution,  and,  also,  recognized  in 
the  acts  of  1850,  commonly  called  the  Compromise 
Measures.  It  is  clear,  too,  that  the  President  of  the 
United  States  thought  so,  for  he  so  declared  it  in  the 
Sanford  letter  in  1848,  before  either  the  Compromise 
Measures  or  the  Nebraska  bill  were  introduced.  It 
was  for  good  reasons  that  I  advocated  the  Nebraska 
bill.  1 1| commended  itself  to  my  judgment  because, 
without  any  attempt  at  compromise — for  I  am  against 
compromises,  past,  present,  and  future — it  has  a  dis 
tinct  avowal  of  a  principle  of  constitutional  law,  held 
for  years  in  abeyance  by  the  nominal  existence  of  the 
Missouri  Compromise  line,  a  line  existing  in  statute 
without  constitutional  sanction  and  in  direct  deroga 
tion  of  the  reserved  rights  of  the  States.  I  have  always 
held  to  the  opinion  that  our  people  are  intelligent 
enough  to  hear  the  whole  truth  relative  to  the  Govern 
ment,  and  to  sustain  the  true  meaning  of  their  Consti 
tution.  If  they  are  not  satisfied  with  it,  the  sooner  we 
know  it  the  better.  It  is  lawful  to  change  our  Consti- 


382  The  LIFE  of  J.  CLANCY  JONES 

tution;  it  is  moral  treason  to  pervert,  misconstrue,  or 
conceal  its  meaning;  hence  I  supported  the  Nebraska 
bill — but  always  with  regret,  that  even  this  bill,  with 
all  its  modifications  and  additions,  fell  short  in  my 
view  in  one  very  important  particular.  While  it  as 
serted  no  principle  not  to  be  found  in  the  Constitution 
and  in  the  Compromise  Acts  of  1850,  it  failed  to  assert 
the  full  extent  of  those  principles  on  this  subject;  it 
left  the  construction  of  its  own  meaning  by  express 
provision  to  a  co-ordinate  branch  of  the  Government, 
and  this,  too,  on  a  point  of  most  vital  importance  to  a 
large  section  of  the  Confederacy.  My  own  opinions 
were  well  settled,  that  territory  acquired  by  the  common 
blood  and  treasure  of  the  people  of  all  the  States,  was 
open  to  all,  and  that  the  right  of  emigration,  with  their 
property,  slave  or  otherwise,  was  secured  to  them 
under  the  reserved  rights  of  the  States,  a  power  over 
which  was  never  delegated  to  the  General  Govern 
ment  ;  that  the  Constitution  recognized  and  protected 
in  the  Territory,  while  it  remained  in  a  Territorial  con 
dition,  all  property,  slave  or  otherwise,  and  that  the 
U.  S.  Courts  had  ample  jurisdiction  for  the  mainte 
nance  of  their  rights,  and  to  mulct  in  damages  any  one 
who  might  inveigle,  destroy,  or  damage  anything 
recognized  as  property  under  the  Constitution  in  the 
Territories  of  the  United  States ;  and  that  these  re 
served  rig"hts  of  the  States  would  continue  in  full  force 
until  the  people  of  the  Territory,  having  a  sufficient 
population,  should  assume  the  garb  of  sovereignty, 
and  proceed  through  their  representatives  to  frame  a 
Constitution  for  a  Sovereign  State.  To  this  tribunal, 
and  to  this  alone,  the  reserved  rights  of  the  States 
yielded,  acknowledging  their  full  jurisdiction  over  the 
whole  subject  matter. 


SPEECH  at  BLOOMSBURG  383 

These  were  my  opinions  at  the  time,  and  I  ardently 
desired  to  see  them  embodied  in  the  bill. 

The  Supreme  Court  has  the  unquestioned  right  to 
examine  into  and  pass  upon  the  constitutionality  of 
the  laws  of  Congress,  and  if  they  err  there  is  a  power 
in  the  people  to  change  the  Constitution  and  correct 
their  errors;  but  it  is  in  my  opinion  contrary  to  the 
spirit  of  our  institutions,  if  not  in  derogation  of  the 
Constitution  itself,  for  the  legislative  power  to  enact 
conditional  laws  or  authorizing  municipal  subscriptions 
to  railroads,  &c.,  by  tacking  on  "subject  to  the  approval 
of  the  people  at  the  polls  "  or  as  is  in  the  Nebraska  bill, 
subject  to  the  Constitution,  not  as  we  understand  it  and 
express  it,  but  as  the  Supreme  Court  may  hereafter, 
when  they  get  a  case  and  it  suits  their  convenience, 
decide ;  the  meaning  of  our  own  law,  by  our  own  act, 
in  the  meantime  to  be  held  in  abeyance. 

It  was  because  I  dislike  this  omission  that  I  held 
my  peace  pending  the  passage  of  the  bill,  while  my 
votes  and  acts  were  for  the  bill.  In  order  to  secure 
that  much,  I  refrained  from  speaking  on  it,  because 
if  interrogated  I  should  have  felt  obliged  to  say  all  I 
say  now,  and  which  I  took  the  first  opportunity 
offering  to  say  in  my  place  on  the  floor  of  the  House, 
several  months  before  the  meeting  of  the  Cincinnati 
Convention,  my  o\vn  election  in  October,  1856,  and  in 
advance  of  the  Presidential  election,  and  to  express 
the  opinion  (not  by  authority)  that  the  statesman 
whom  I  preferred  for  the  Presidency  entertained  these 
same  views  on  this  subject.  That  statesman  was  nomi 
nated,  and  my  district  increased  its  majority  for  him 
with  a  full  knowledge  of  this  construction  of  the 
Nebraska  Act,  over  two  thousand  beyond  the  largest 
ever  given  before. 


384  The  LIFE  of  J.  CLANCY  JONES 

I  am  happy  to  be  able  to  say  that  the  President  has 
already  fully  endorsed,  by  his  public  acts,  all  that  was 
expected  from  him  in  his  construction  of  this  bill. 

I  always  supposed  it  was  deemed  expedient  by 
Congress  to  leave  it  open  to  judicial  construction, 
because  there  existed  an  honest  difference  of  opinion, 
which  would  only  acknowledge  judicial  authority  on 
the  true  meaning  of  the  Constitution.  Be  that  as  it 
may,  it  subjected  the  whole  Northern  Democracy  to 
the  unjust  charge  of  being  unsound  on  a  vital  question 
of  constitutional  law.  The  opposition  from  the  South 
boldly  charged,  in  the  organization  of  the  Thirty- 
fourth  Congress,  December,  1855,  that  no  Northern 
Democrat  construed  the  bill  as  it  was  understood  and 
explained  by  Southern  Democrats ;  and  what  was  still 
worse,  we  gained  nothing  at  the  North — open  as  it 
was  to  every  conceivable  construction.  It  presented 
us  in  any  other  attitude  than  that  of  a  compact,  united 
party  in  all  our  principles.  The  Democratic  Conven 
tion  of  our  own  State,  in  March,  1854,  were  unwilling 
to  acknowledge  or  reject  it,  and  gave  it  finally  the  cold 
shoulder,  under  the  allegation  that  the  State  Democ 
racy  in  their  State  issues  had  nothing  to  do  with  these 
national  embarrassing  questions.  It  availed  us  noth 
ing,  however,  for  we  were  beaten  many  thousands, 
much  to  my  regret  for  one  of  our  worthy  candidates, 
but  richly  deserved  by  us,  for  our  efforts  to  shirk  the 
responsibility  of  a  candid  avowal  of  our  principles  at 
all  times  and  in  all  places.  These  issues,  fortunately 
for  the  country,  are  now  all  settled;  peace  again  is 
restored,  and  I  sincerely  hope  we  may  never  again 
have  to  enter  the  field  where  the  Constitution  itself 
and  the  existence  of  the  Union  are  to  be  at  stake, 


SPEECH  at  BLOOMSBURG  385 

arising  from  a  question  of  construction  of  organic  law, 
not  definitely  settled  even  in  our  own  ranks. 

The  construction  now  given  to  the  Nebraska  bill 
is  being  put  to  the  test  in  Kansas ;  and  I  firmly  believe 
it  will  work  itself  out  to  the  entire  satisfaction  of  the 
country.  A  convention  composed  of  delegates,  elected 
by  the  people  for  that  express  purpose,  has  assembled, 
to  frame  a  constitution,  preparatory  to  the  admission 
of  the  State  into  the  Union.  Either  this  convention 
is  clothed  with  sovereign  power,  or  it  is  a  nullity — if 
the  former,  then  it  falls  exclusively  within  its  juris 
diction,  not  only  to  make  the  constitution,  but  to  send 
it  back  to  the  people  for  ratification  or  not,  as  they 
may  determine,  and  if  they  should  submit  it  to  the 
people,  it  is  equally  exclusively  their  province  to  say 
who  are  qualified  to  vote  on  it.  Interference,  at  any 
time,  by  any  functionary  of  the  general  government 
within  the  lines  of  this  jurisdiction,  would,  in  my 
opinion,  be  a  violation  of  the  very  letter  of  the  Nebraska 
bill.  We  may  take  it  for  granted  they  will  submit  it  to 
the  people,  but  it  is  for  them,  and  them  alone,  to  decide. 

Turning  to  the  questions  more  properly  open  to 
discussion  in  their  pertinency  to  the  present  Guber 
natorial  contest  in  Pennsylvania,  Mr.  Jones  proceeded 
to  say: 

The  standard  bearer  of  the  Democratic  party  in  this 
campaign  is  Gen.  Wm.  F.  Packer,  a  man  born  and 
educated  on  your  own  soil.  He  belongs  to  that  cluster 
of  stars  which  have  shed  so  much  light  upon  our 
country  in  every  period  of  its  history — the  self-made 
men  of  the  country.  It  can  be  said  of  him,  with  truth, 
that  he  has  served  his  country  in  the  various  capaci 
ties  of  Canal  Commissioner,  Auditor  General,  Member 

VOL.  1—25 


386  The  LIFE  of  J.  CLANCY  JONES 

and  Speaker  of  the  House  of  Representatives,  and 
Senator  of  the  State,  without  a  blemish  either  on  his 
public  or  personal  character — but  he  now  stands  before 
you  as  a  representative  man.  It  is  an  article  of  faith, 
with  the  Democracy,  that  while  they  seek  the  best 
men,  they  regard  principles  as  paramount,  and  men  as 
representatives  of  them.  If  you  wish  to  know  Gen. 
Packer's  political  opinions  on  Banks,  Tariffs,  Slavery, 
Sumptuary  laws,  Finance,  or  any  other  question  of 
Constitutional,  national  or  State  politics,  read  the 
Cincinnati  platform.  He  was  a  member  of  that  Con 
vention,  and  moved  for  the  approval  of  that  platform, 
when  reported  by  the  Committee,  without  dotting 
an  i  or  crossing  a  t.  And  then  turn  to  the  resolutions 
of  the  Convention  which  nominated  him,  passed  at  its 
two  sessions,  and  you  can  sum  up  Gen.  Packer's 
creed — the  creed  he  is  pledged  to  support  in  good 
faith,  in  all  its  details,  should  he  be  elected  Governor 
of  Pennsylvania.  If,  however,  you  want  more  on  this 
subject,  he  is  now  a  living  candidate,  in  the  custody 
of  no  Committee,  and  will  give  a  ready  response  to 
any  question  that  may  be  asked  him  touching  his 
opinions  on  political  questions.  It  is  well  known  that 
in  the  Legislature  he  was  the  friend  of  the  Homestead 
law,  and  the  law  for  limiting  the  time  for  labor  to  ten 
hours  per  day,  and  so  on  through  the  whole  series  of 
Democratic  measures.  The  opposition  take  exception 
to  his  votes  on  the  liquor  laws,  as  they  are  called.  A 
few  years  ago  they  objected  to  our  candidate  because 
he  was  not  in  favor  of  a  prohibition  law — now  they 
object  because  they  say  he  is.  This  is  easily  settled 
by  asking  him  and  not  referring  to  votes  on  prelimi 
nary  questions  of  local  and  conditional  law,  in  which 


SPEECH  at  BLOOMSBURG  387 

he  no  doubt  voted  in  accordance  with  the  views  and 
wishes  of  a  local  constituency.  Gen.  Packer  will  not 
be  questioned,  because  the  answer  would  be  fatal  to 
his  interrogators. 

I  shall  conclude,  my  fellow-citizens,  by  a  brief  refer 
ence  to  the  condition  of  our  finances.  We  have  come 
to  a  dead  stop  in  the  midst  of  prosperity,  after  a  season 
of  health  without  a  parallel;  of  crops  exuberantly 
abundant;  with  more  gold  and  silver  in  the  country 
than  at  any  former  period.  Every  one  asks,  what  is 
the  cause?  and  no  one  is  prepared  to  answer;  nor  is 
it  strange  it  should  be  so. 

My  own  opinion  is,  that  the  existing  trouble  has 
been  caused  by  importing  too  many  luxuries,  to  be 
paid  for  by  men  who  in  this  fast  age  imagined  they 
were  worth  twice  as  much  as  they  really  are ;  by  the 
immense  foreign  debt  contracted  to  build  railroads, 
buying  iron  abroad — not  because  it  was  cheaper  and 
better  under  a  low  tariff,  but  because  it  could  be  bought 
with  bonds,  on  credit  without  money;  speculation  in 
Western  lands,  &c.,  &c. 

The  remedy  proposed  by  the  Governor  is  an  extra 
session  of  the  Legislature,  and  a  Legislature,  too,  with 
but  six  days  of  life  in  it.  How  this  honorable  body 
can  investigate  the  condition  of  our  banks  and  deliber 
ately  mature  a  legislative  remedy  in  the  short  space  of 
one  week,  surpasses  my  comprehension ;  but  I  will  wait 
and  see,  as  they  may  have  more  light  than  I  have  upon 
the  subject.  It  would  have  been,  in  my  opinion,  more 
in  consonance  with  the  spirit  of  our  institutions  to 
have  waited  a  few  days  for  a  legislature  fresh  from  the 
people ;  but  of  that  the  Governor  is  the  judge,  and  as  he 
alone  is  responsible,  I  leave  it  to  him  and  the  people; 


388  The  LIFE  of  J.  CLANCY  JONES 

and  dismiss  the  whole  subject,  with  a  suggestion  which 
I  hope  may  be  regarded,  to  wit:  that  the  Legislature 
will  unanimously  resolve,  ist,  to  repeal  all  the  bank 
charters  granted  at  the  last  session;  2d,  to  appoint  a 
committee  to  investigate  the  condition  of  every  bank 
in  the  Commonwealth,  with  instructions  to  report  to 
the  next  session,  and  then  adjourn  sine  die.  They 
can  do  this  in  one  day,  and  retire  with  an  immense 
enlargement  of  their  popularity. 


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